Click. Newshawk: Rees-Jones: Paul NOT drunk--White Car Pursued Diana's. Diana alive and conscious after crash.




Cayman Islands' new anti-money-laundering laws.

CAYMAN ISLANDS: The government here has passed four anti-money-laundering bills in an effort to confront scrutiny by international financial regulatory agencies and the U.S. Government.

     The bills were hurried through parliament amoung loud objections from some members of parliament that they were not given enough time to examine or debate the bills.

     The move came just one week after the U.S. Treasury Department issued an ``advisory'' to U.S. banks about the Caymans' lack of money-laundering regulation, and one month after the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), a Group of Seven (G7) watchdog, listed the country as lacking in financial controls to deal with criminal money-laundering.

     The Cayman Islands, a tiny British territory in the Caribbean, is the world's fifth-largest banking center with more than $500 billion of assets at its 590 banks and trust companies.

Mr. Tuohy can be reached at

From: "NewsHawk Inc." <
Sent: Monday, September 04, 2000 3:22 PM
Subject: Rees-Jones: Paul NOT drunk--White Car Pursued Diana's

Rees-Jones: Paul NOT drunk--White Car Pursued Diana's!
--Diana ALIVE and CONSCIOUS After Crash!

Holy shit.

What Mr. Rees-Jones has to say about his recollections in regard to the
dreadful night when Dodi Al Fayed and driver Henri Paul met their end
(Princess Diana, who was NOT fatally injured in the "crash,"
was murdered LATER at the hospital [of course]), due to the
staged/engineered car "crash" on Aug. 31, 1997, is of incalculable
importance,. His statements gut the official pack of lies spewed forth
about this assassination as nothing else can.
NewsHawk® Inc.

The sole survivor of the Princess Diana's tragic accident.
By special arrangement with Asia Features

I was there...  Speedy recovery

Trevor Rees-Jones, Dodi Al-Fayed's bodyguard, the sole survivor of the
tragic accident in which Princess Diana and Dodi died, is recovering.
Here he speaks to Piers Morgan.

Back to Paris on the night of August 30. Back into the Mercedes as it
sped towards the tunnel from the Ritz Hotel. As it crashed. The most
dramatic flashback Trevor Rees-Jones, Dodi Al-Fayed's bodyguard has been
experiencing involves Princess Diana.

He chooses his words with extreme precision. This is not a man who wants
to embellish, who wants to exaggerate, who wants to distort what he sees
as the truth.

Trevor knows that his memory could solve one of the greatest riddles of
the 20th Century. He does not want to make a mistake.
Staring intently ahead, he says firmly; I am starting to remember more
and more.

 "To start with I couldn't remember a thing, and the doctors weren't sure
 if I would ever remember. I had amnesia, everything was just a blank.

 "But now it is coming back.

 "I get these sudden flashes of memory. They are small, and don't last
 very long. The pyschiatrist calls them windows of memory.

 "I don't recall the actual moment of collision at all, but I do recall
 being in the vehicle immediately after the crash.

 "I have had flashes of a female voice calling out in the back of the car.

 "First it's a groan. And then Dodi's name is called.

 "I don't remember if it is over and over again. But I do remember a
 voice calling out Dodi's name. And that can only be Princess Diana's

 "I was obviously in a very bad state myself, but I was conscious. As far
 as I consider there were only two people conscious in the vehicle.

 "I know for a fact I was one of them because I have seen my medical

 "And I've also seen reports of people who arrived on the scene.

 Princess Diana was the other one who was conscious. Unfortunately the
 other two people were dead. Listening to this sensational testimony is
 an astonishing experience.

 After all the speculation, all the hype, all the wild accusations and
 claims and counter claims, here at last is the word of the one man who
 is really in a position to know.

 The one man who was there, in the car. And who was conscious.

 If Trevor's memory is true, and psychiatrists believe that it is, then
 it supports Mohammed Al Fayed's claim that Diana was able to speak after
 the crash. That it is possible she was able to utter the last words that
 Mr. Al Fayed says were passed on to him by a nurse at the hospital.

 It will also lead to renewed concern about whether more could have been
 done to save her life by the emergency services-who have always insisted
 she was knocked unconscious by the force of the collision and never
 regained consciousness. Trevor is not trying to impress me. He knows the
 significance of what he is saying.

 He has no memory of Diana saying anything else. He just has repeated
 flashbacks of her being conscious. Trevor passes every detail of his
 recollection onto the investigators in France - who cling to every
 fragment, desperate for anything that might help them solve the mystery
 of what happened in that tunnel.

 Trevor doesn't know what caused the Mercedes to crash, but he does
 recall some fascinating details of what led up to it. He remembers
 disagreeing with Dodi over the best way to leave the hotel. He remembers
 Henri Paul returning to the Ritz of his own volition and reaching
 agreement with Dodi that he should drive the fateful car. He remembers
 spending two hours in the hotel with Paul and another bodyguard. He
 remembers leaving from the Ritz and being pursued by two cars and a
 motorbike. Crucially he recalls that one of the cars was white, possibly
 the elusive Fiat Uno police are still hunting.

 Trevor is frustrated he can't remember the exact circumstances of what
 happened. But he is also angry. Angry at suggestions he acted
 unprofessionally, by allowing Henri Paul to drive while drunk and that
 he didn't force Diana and Dodi to wear seatbelts.

 Trevor reveals the events of that night as he remembers them, pausing to
 ensure he does not say anything other than what factual, as his memory
 tells him happened.

 He is aware that some will think he might be tempted to conveniently
 distort that memory to support what his boss Mr. Al Fayed has already

 The suggestion deeply offends him. Trevor Rees - Jones does not lie for
 anyone. He is a man of principle.

 He says: 'I am simply saying what happened as I believe it so that
 people know what I know.

 'A lot of things have been said by certain media that have been wrong
 and insulting to my professional reputation.

 'It is a very easy thing for people to look back on what happened and
 say this was wrong and that was wrong, but obviously we don't live in an
 ideal world. I do not believe that I acted irresponsibly at all.

 'I knew Henri Paul from the other times I had met him at the Ritz.

 'My impression of him was that he was a professional man who knew what
 he was doing.

 'I had seen him drive the car behind me from the airport on the
 afternoon of the day before the accident and I saw nothing that said he
 was a poor driver.

 'He seemed perfectly competent to me. He was driving the backup car and
 I checked fairly regularly and both another member of the security team,
 Kes Wingfield and I were very satisfied with what we saw.

 How Paul came to be driving again that night is a story of circumstance
 and a fascinating insight into the relationship between bodyguard and
 the boss.'

 Trevor reveals; My assessment of the situation when Dodi wanted to leave
 the Ritz with Diana was that we should go in two cars driving in tandem.
 There were a lot of photographers and tourists and I thought that would
 be the quickest way out.

 'We had had a few problems earlier in the evening when the couple tried
 to eat their meal in the restaurant and photographers were upsetting
 them a bit. It would also give us a backup car behind the first Mercedes
 to put a bit of distance between us and whoever tried to follow. But the
 couple were not happy about that plan. Dodi preferred to leave through
 the back door with me and Henri Paul leaving the usual driver to go out
 the front as a decoy.

 'We had travelled single driver for the previous two weeks in London
 with Diana and also in St Tropez and it had worked pretty well. So I
 didn't see the need to make a big issue out of it. I thought it would be
 better to have two cars, but Dodi was the boss. Henri Paul had returned
 to the hotel by now, after hearing that Diana and Dodi were there, and
 it was agreed he should drive the main car. I was relaxed about that
 because he was an experienced security man and very experienced at
 driving in Paris - which I was not at all.'

 Paul joined Trevor and Kes Wingfield.Trevor recalls; there was
 absolutely nothing untoward about his behaviour. "If there had been. Kes
 or I would have picked up on it straight away. That is what we are
 trained to do. But he seemed perfectly normal to both of us.

 "He sat at the bar drinking some yellow liquid that I assumed was
 nonalcoholic.' In fact it was pastis, an aniseed-based aperatif popular
 in France. He spent most of the time talking to Kes about work matters,
 while I kept a look out for Dodi and Diana on the staircase. They had
 gone up to the Imperial Suite for a bit of privacy.

 'As far as I was concerned he was on duty and that was that.

 'I had no reason to suspect he was drunk. He did not look or sound like
 he had been drinking.

 'I can state quite categorically that he was not a hopeless drunk as
 some have tried to suggest. I remember that part of the evening clearly
 and he was fine. I like to think I have enough nose and intelligence to
 see if the guy was plastered or not and he wasn't. I was quite happy
 with the situation.

 He says; 'I can recall that we were being followed as we headed for the

 'There were two cars and a motorbike, one seemed to be a white car with
 a boot which opened at the back and three doors.'

 Trevor was the only person wearing a seatbelt when the Mercedes crashed
 - yet witnesses say he was NOT wearing one when the car left the Ritz.

 He does not know why he switched or when. Again, his memory of this
 detail could be vitally important. He says; 'In general, in town, I
 don't wear a seatbelt unless the speed warrants it. I can't explain why
 I was the only one wearing a belt, or why I put it on because I can't
 remember. But the final say on whether Dodi and Diana wore belts would
 have been down to them. I can only recommend it you can't make someone
 wear a belt if they don't want to.

 Trevor appears worn out by what he has just discussed. He has never
 spoken publicly about any of this, least of all to a journalist.

 The future for Trevor Rees-Jones is uncertain both professionally and
 personally. He has been guaranteed a job for life by Mohammed Al Fayed,
 who he says has been 'fantastic' in looking after him and his family. He
 has nearly won the physical battle, through sheer grit and hard work and
 determination. But I suspect the mental battle will be more difficult to
 overcome. He is clearly very deeply affected by what happened to him
 that night and to the people he knew well and liked. For Trevor
 Rees-Jones the road ahead is uncertain. But he knows life will never be
 the same again.

 Speedy recovery

 Trevor Rees-Jones' injuries were severe but not life-threatening.
 Witnesses described how he lay in the front passenger seat conscious
 with half his face ripped off and hanging loose.

 The anonymous passer-by told detectives; "I told him not to panic, help
 was on its way. He looked at me and struggled but could say nothing.

 "He was in a bad way - he was hard to look at. Another witness, Mark
 Butt, said Trevor was moaning in agony as he was cut free from the car.

 Ironically, he looked the most damaged of all the four people in the car
 yet he was the one who survived.

 He talks of his injuries in the way you would expect a former soldier
 to, dispassionately, matter-of-fact, almost bored. "Most of my face was
 fractured and badly broken.

 My skull was fractured at the front and my jaw was dislocated, smashed
 and broken. I also cracked a vertebrae in my neck which has affected my
 right shoulder a bit.

 drain in and it was OK. Early reports claimed he had lost his tongue and
 would never talk again. But as he speaks articulately and with just a
 tiny suggestion of an impediment, that was clearly exaggerated.

 "My tongue was cut by my teeth but it's alright now. There's a little
 scar underneath it, that's all.' Miraculously, Trevor is on course to
 make a full recovery.

 He says; I would say I am 80 per cent fit now. I've still got a few
 problems. "I have to have physiotherapy about two or three times a week
 but even that has been cut down now. I've got to visit the surgeon in
 Paris just for the final check-up as far as I know. But as you can see,
 I'm well enough to get back to work and perform a few light duties. The
 speed of his recovery has amazed doctors.

 But this modest rather shy man won't have any talk of heroics. "Look,
 it's down to the kind of person you are really.

 "If you are quite happy to sit around mooching in hospital for months on
 end and have all the attention on you then you are not going to get well
 as quickly as a person who doesn't want to feel self-pity and just wants
 to get up and get on with it. I've never been through anything like this
 before, you can't prepare for it obviously. But you can have the right
 attitude to recovery.'

 Surgeons reconstructed Trevor's face with the aid of his wedding album
 of photographs."

 "They think there are just a few bruised nerves down to the shoulder.

 "It doesn't hurt too much, it's just that I dont have much power there.
 But they are sure that will come back.
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From Undernews /Progressive Review 11/09/00


MANNING MARABLE: The latest innovation in American corrections is termed
"special housing units," but which prisoners also generally refer to as The Box. SHUs are uniquely designed solitary confinement cells, in which prisoners are locked down for 23 hours a day for months or even years at a time. SHU cellblocks are electronically monitored, pre-fabricated structures of concrete and steel, about 14 feet long and 8 feet wide, amounting to 120 square feet of space. The two inmates who are confined in each cell, however, actually have only about 60 square feet of usable space, or 30 square feet per person. All meals are served to prisoners through a thin slot cut into the steel door. The toilet unit, sink and shower are all  located in the cell. Prisoners are permitted one hour "exercise time" each day in a small concrete balcony, surrounded by heavy security wire, directly connected with their SHU cells. Educational and rehabilitation programs for SHU prisoners are prohibited.

As of 1998, New York State had confined 5,700 state prisoners in SHUs, about 8 percent of its total inmate population . . . As of 1998, California had constructed 2,942 SHU beds, followed by Mississippi (1,756), Arizona (1,728), Virginia (1,267), Texas (1,229), Louisiana (1,048) and Florida

(1,000). Solitary confinement, which historically had been defined even by corrections officials as an extreme disciplinary measure, is becoming increasingly the norm.

This single covert message has been shown over 4400 times in 33 major markets. Who knows what else has been inserted; watch for ads to be quickly pulled and changed.  Let's hope this opens the door a little and begins to shed some light on how easy subliminal influencing can be inserted with no regulations or laws to manage or prevent it. This IS the hidden secret in American media and politics. Ronn D. Futrsource.



Toward the end of a 30-second commercial against Al Gore, which was produced for the Republican National Committee but approved by the Bush campaign, fragments of words dance around the edges of the screen, the NEW YORK TIMES is planning to report on Tuesday.

But the only full word that pops up -- right after Gore's face appears -- is ``RATS,'' for about three frames.

Republican and Democratic admakers who were told of the commercial, as well as several independent academics, agreed that the message appeared to be part of a subliminal effort to discredit Gore and his prescription drug program.

"They said it was similar to the attempts decades ago by movie theaters to flash images of popcorn on the screen to entice audiences to buy more popcorn. Frame grabs from the video sequence just before and after the word appears," reports the TIMES.

Filed By Matt Drudge
Reports are moved when circumstances warrant for updates

Democrats See, and Smell, Rats in G.O.P. Ad

September 12, 2000

WASHINGTON, Sept. 11 - At first glance, the Republican television
commercial on prescription drugs looks like a run-of-the-mill
attack advertisement.

 The announcer starts by lauding George W. Bush's proposal for
dealing with prescription drugs, and criticizes the plan being
offered by Vice President Al Gore. Fragments of the phrase
"bureaucrats decide" - deriding Mr. Gore's proposal - then dance
around the screen.

 Then, if the viewer watches very closely, something else happens.
The word "rats," a fragment of the word "bureaucrats," pops up in
one frame. And though the image lasts only one-thirtieth of a
second, it is in huge white capital letters, larger than any other
word on the commercial.

 The advertisement then declares, "The Gore prescription plan:
bureaucrats decide."

 But as one might be expect in a tightly contested presidential
race, the Democrats have given the 30- second advertisement more
than a quick glance.

 After being alerted by an eagle- eyed Democrat in Seattle, aides
to Mr. Gore examined the advertisement frame by frame, spotted the
suspicious word and gave a copy of a slowed-down version to The New
York Times.

 Those aides said they had no comment and preferred that the
advertisement, which has appeared in 33 markets nationwide since
August, speak for itself.

 Alex Castellanos, who produced the commercial for the Republican
National Committee, insisted that the use of the word was "purely
accidental," saying, "We don't play ball that way. I'm not that

 Asked when he had first noticed the word in the commercial, Mr.
Castellanos said, "That's all I want to say."

 But several Republican and Democratic advertising consultants who
were told of the commercial, as well as many independent academics,
said they were startled that such a word would appear and said it
appeared to be a subliminal attempt to discredit Mr. Gore.

 Mr. Bush's chief media consultant, Mark McKinnon, who reviewed the
advertisement before it was broadcast, said he had not noticed
"rats." Most people probably have not noticed either, although some
people who watched a tape of the commercial at normal speed today -
albeit very carefully - said it was visible.

 After being told of the word, Mr. McKinnon said the commercial
should be corrected because it "certainly might give reporters or
anybody else who looked at it" a reason to stir up attention.

 But after taking another look at the advertisement, he amended his

 " `Rats' is not a message," Mr. McKinnon said. " `Bad plan' or
`seniors lose' might be. But `rats?' We're just not that clever. I
just watched it five times in a row. Hard as I looked, couldn't see
`rats.' "

 Almost every advertising professional interviewed said that given
the technology by which commercials are assembled frame by frame,
it was virtually impossible for a producer not to know the word was

 "There is no way that anything Alex Castellanos does is an
accident," said Greg Stevens, a veteran Republican admaker here.

 Bobby Baker, chief of the office of political programming at the
Federal Communications Commission, said that if the word had been
deliberately inserted in the commercial that would be "an
extraordinary development" and reflect "reckless" behavior.

 While he said the commission did not prohibit subliminal
advertising, Mr. Baker explained that "we have policy statements
and public notices that indicate they are inherently intended to be
deceptive and might be contrary to the public interest."

 The commission issued its policy statement in 1974, ruling on the
propriety of television commercials aired during the previous
Christmas season in which the words "get it" appeared momentarily
in reference to advertised products.

 Darrell West, a political scientist and authority on political
advertising at Brown University, said, "It is really extraordinary
that something like this would appear. This is the first time I've
heard of anything like this in a presidential campaign ad. The risk
of a major voter backlash from something like this could be very
high because, above all else, voters don't like to be fooled."

 Jim Ferguson, the president of Young & Rubicam, who heads the Bush
campaign's group of Madison Avenue advertising consultants, seemed
astonished when told of the advertisement. "Are you serious? That's
unbelievable," he said. "I hope we haven't stooped to that. That's
pretty bad. I thought that was illegal anyway."

 The party has spent an estimated $2.5 million on the commercial,
which has run roughly 4,000 times.

 Ray Strother, the president of the American Association of
Political Consultants and a veteran Democratic admaker, said,
"There is absolutely no way this can be an accident. I'd be stunned
if it was a mistake. If that's an accident it's counter to
everything I know about political consulting. When you're running a
presidential race, you're really, really super sensitive to every
frame of that spot. You're looking at what words are on the
baseball cap that people wear."

 The notion that subliminal messages embedded in advertisements
could influence people became popular in the 1950's, when James
Vicary, an advertising executive, reported that he had increased
the sales of Coca Cola and popcorn during a moving by flashing
"Drink Coke" and "Eat Popcorn," on the screen. (Mr. Vicary's report
turned out to be a hoax.)

 Three decades of research on subliminal advertising, however, have
convinced the majority of researchers that the public is not so
easily manipulated.

 But Ronald C. Goodstein, a marketing professor at Georgetown
University's business school who has studied subliminal
advertising, said the word "rats" could have the effect of "making
people feel more negative toward Gore," although he said there was
"no way that people are going to switch votes because of it."

 According to the Gore campaign, the word was first spotted by Gary
Greenup, a 64-year-old retired Boeing technical writer in Seattle.
To be sure of what he saw, Mr. Greenup taped the commercial soon
after it was first broadcast in late August and slowed the tape
down to reveal the word. "It somehow caught my eye," he said.
Usually, he added, "I don't look this closely at ads - mostly I'd
just as soon not view them."

 Mr. Greenup called the King County Democratic Party, which alerted
the Gore campaign.

 Mr. Greenup said that while he was a Democrat he was not active in
local politics. "I'm not working in the party," he said. "I
contribute a little annually - it's very, very small."

 One Republican admaker who defended Mr. Castellanos was Sal Russo.
"I'm not as conspiracy minded as everyone else is," he said. "I
can't imagine that that's deliberate. I've got to think it's

 Mr. Castellanos is a veteran advertising strategist who is known
as one of the toughest in the business. His best-known
advertisement, broadcast in 1990 for Senator Jesse Helms of North
Carolina, showed the hands of a white man tearing up a rejection
letter he received from a prospective employer. The advertisement
was intended to stir resentment among white voters toward Mr.
Helms's black opponent.

 When Mr. Castellanos worked for Bob Dole's presidential campaign
four years ago, he produced some scathing commercials that campaign
officials rejected. One featured a montage portraying President
Clinton as corrupt set to the song, "You Cheated, You Lied."

 Today, Mr. Castellanos sought to make light of the "rats"
commercial by recalling the rumors in 1969 that Paul McCartney had
died. The rumors were that secret messages were embedded in the
Beatles's lyrics - and their album covers contained coded messages.

 "If you play the ad backwards," Mr. Castellanos joked, "it says,
`Paul is Dead.' "

The New York Times on the Web


Unbeknown to the press, or even his colleagues, the Consertive Party Leader
jetted off to the Gulf for four days. What is he trying to hide? asks Mark

William Hague's secret mission to the Persian Gulf.

0n Sunday December 5,1999, William Hague was driven to Heathrow Airport and
climbed aboard a private Boeing 747 SP shortened jumbo jet. Fitted out like
a set for a James Bond film, with conference rooms, plush leather
upholstery and gold-plated fittings, the aircraft belonged to the Sultan
Qaboos, ruler of the oil-rich Gulf state of Oman. The Tory party leader was
on his way to Muscat, the capital, courtesy of the Sultan.

Sitting alongside Hague was his front-bench spokesman on Trade and
Industry, Alan Duncan, a long-standing confidant and his former
parliamentary political secretary

The seven-hour flight was private and discreet. Hague was not accompanied
by his usual coterie of political aides and press officers. The then Shadow
Foreign Secretary, John Maples, was excluded and did not even know about
the visit. The media were not informed and so the trip was not accompanied
by the usual fanfare of publicity when the leader of Her Majesty's
opposition meets a foreign head of state. There was not one single
newspaper article about the visit published either in Britain or Oman.

For the next four days, Hague stayed in one of the Sultan's four luxurious
palaces. He then flew back to London on a commercial jet. In the Commons
Register of Members' Interests, the Tory leader declared that the Sultan
paid for his outgoing and return flights - and the gift of a pen but failed
to disclose that his accommodation was also courtesy of Oman's ruler.

So why did Hague spend four days in Oman and why was he so secretive about
the purpose of his visit - to such an extent that his own foreign-affairs
spokesman was not even informed? Tory Central Office and the Omani embassy
both say it was "a private fact-finding visit" and sanctioned by the
Foreign Office following a request by the Sultan himself. They refuse to
comment further.

But that does not explain why the Sultan paid for the trip and why Hague
has been so uncharacteristically secretive about it. If it was a special
diplomatic mission, he would have encouraged the media to portray him
meeting such an eminent head of state.

Further intrigue lies in the fact that Hague was not alone, but was
accompanied by the Tory MP and shadow Trade minister Alan Duncan, who has
controversial business interests in the Oman area. The Sunday Times
recently revealed that the MP has been paid thousands of pounds by a Middle
Eastern arms dealer, who sold weapons to the neighbouring Gulf state of

Duncan is a paid adviser to Sheikh Ahmed Farid, a London-based arms dealer
who supplied machine guns, cannon and military training aircraft to the
Socialist Party in South Yemen during the civil war in 1994. More than
7,000 people died in the fighting and nearly 200 Britons were evacuated
from the beseiged port of Aden.

Duncan's connection to Farid is through Harcourt Consultants, a partnership
owned by the MP which advises foreign companies on energy and
privatisation. Two of Harcourt's clients are Desertel and Desertline, part
of the Desert Services group owned by Farid. Another parent company, Desert
Commercial, acts on behalf of Raytheon, the giant US arms manufacturer
which has sold missiles and weapons to Middle East states.

Duncan, who strenuously denies involvement in any arms deal, has been hired
by Farid for his expertise and connections in the oil business. Despite his
Trade and Industry portfolio, the MP remains an active oil broker and
consultant. He has been a firm believer in the Tory maxim, often preached
but not always practised, that it is wise for MPs to build a pot of gold
before entering politics.

After Oxford University, where he was president of the Union, Duncan worked
for Shell International. In 1981 he joined Marc Rich, the notorious oil
trader, who for years was wanted by the US government for massive tax
evasion, fraud and racketeering and lived in exile in Switzerland to avoid
the charges. For six years Duncan worked for Rich, specialising in selling
oil and refined products to South-east Asia - Malaysia, Thailand and Sri
Lanka - and notably Iranian crude oil to Singapore.

The smooth-talking, debonair, ultra-confident Duncan made a lot of money,
mainly by selling gas to Pakistan during the Gulf war. But he was also
politically ambitious. An instinctive libertarian and Thatcherite, Duncan
became close friends with William Hague in the late Eighties. They shared a
house in Clapham, south London, and were both active in the Battersea
Conservative Association.  In 1989, Duncan was Hague's unofficial minder
when he won the Richmond by-election. The following year Hague asked Duncan
to allow his £250,000 Westminster home in Gayfere Street to be used for
John Major's campaign base for the Tory leadership. He readily agreed as he
had just installed new phone and fax lines for his oil trading business.

In 1997 Duncan's political luck continued when he managed Hague's
successful leadership campaign. He was rewarded by being appointed
vice-chairman of the Conservative Party and Hague's political secretary In
reality, he was more like a spin doctor and fixer.

Despite his energy and evangelical zeal, Duncan was not a success. But he
remained inside Hague's inner circle and, on June 1, 1999, became shadow
Trade and Industry spokesperson, responsible for e-commerce but with senior

Duncan has now turned his attention to the oil-rich, pro-British kingdom of
Oman. Since September 1997, he has been to Oman on no fewer than seven
occasions as "a guest of the Government of Oman" (in reality, the Sultan).

He habitually visits in November and December, staying for between two and
six days at a time. On three of those trips - in July 1998, November 1998
and November 1999 - the MP stayed at the Al Bustan Palace Hotel which is
owned by Ahmed Farid, the arms dealer who retains him as a consultant.
Perhaps mindful of his friend Jonathan Aitken's troubles over allowing an
arms dealer to pay for his stay at the Ritz hotel in Paris, Duncan paid his
own hotel bill in Oman.

In November 1997, Duncan happened to be in Muscat, the capital of Oman,
when John Major delivered a lecture to businessmen. The former prime
minister's fees and expenses were paid by Dow Jones, Muscat Securities and
the Omani Centre for Investment.

The shadow Trade and Industry spokesman's frequent presence in the tiny
Gulf state has led to speculation that he has replaced Aitken as the Middle
East's favourite Tory. Aitken, the former minister for defence procurement,
also visited Oman regularly, notably to attend secret meetings of Le
Cercle, a right-wing cabal of former intelligence officers and politicians.
Duncan was a close friend of the disgraced former Cabinet minister,
supporting him during his troubles.

While Hague's visit to Oman last December remains shrouded in mystery and
secrecy, Duncan's activities are less mysterious. A well-informed
oil-industry source told Punch that the MP has been in Oman on behalf of
Vitol, a controversial and much-criticised Dutch oil corporation. Duncan
was a paid Parliamentary consultant to Vitol from 1992 until 1994.

Conservative Party leaders and the Sultan have been close for 20 years,
notably when Margaret Thatcher helped her son secure a £300 million
construction contract in Oman for Cementation. The Sultan has always been
very pro-British, ever since M16 and special-forces engineered a palace
coup in 1970 which brought him to power.

No doubt the Sultan received Hague and Duncan with his customery courtesy,
but why the Tory leader should be so reticent about his four days with the
Sultan remains unanswered.

Punch Magazine (UK), #114, September 6th-19th 2000








Who is Tsien Hsue-Shen? Tsien was one of  the most distinguished scientists of his generation and employed by the US. Soon Tsien became a symbol of one of the biggest stupid mistakes the FBI and US intelligence ever made--driving Tsien out of the US back to China on charges of "communism"  and "spying" which allowed China to employ Tsien to help China develop the A-bomb. As Albert H. Yee stated:

Was it logical to hold Tsien in the U.S. for five years fearing his being a Communist spy and then deporting him to Communist China? With perhaps the furor of revenge against the country that he loved but had betrayed him, he blazed China's rocket program from ground zero to ballistic star. Its intercontinental rockets today can carry nuke warheads and send satellites into space. For more, see Iris Chang's Thread of the Silkworm.

Tsien is honored by China's leaders for his political correctness as well as his scientific advances. Although he still states that the cahrges against him in the U.S. were false and that he was never a CP member, Tsien became a CCP member and crafted his way through Beijing's politics, such as lauding the Tiananmen crackdown of June 1989. In 1991, Jiang Zemin awarded him China's highest science honor. Yet, who would have doubt that Tsien would have accomplished far greater scientific achievements in the U.S.? Who doubts that race has absolutely nothing to do with the handling of Drs. Tsien and Lee? (Click to read the entire article.)

 Click here to read more history of the Tsien case posted by Cal Tech. 

Iris Chang, author of Thread of the Silkworm (the story of Tsien Hseu-Shen), pointed out that Dr. Wen Ho Lee's case appears to be an extension of the US intelligence mind-set that created the Tsien Hsue-Shen case in the 1940's.

Iris Chang, the best-selling author of The Rape of Nanking, is speaking about a U.S. nuclear scientist accused of spying and giving secrets to the Chinese government. Prosecuted by the U.S. government, the case outrages many Asian Americans who see racial discrimination, mixed with a total lack of evidence, behind the charges.

Is she talking about Wen Ho Lee, the scientist arrested two weeks ago for mishandling top secret nuclear data at the Los Alamos National Laboratory? In fact, no. Chang is speaking about an eerily similar case that happened in the United States fifty years ago, just as the Cold War began. The scientist's name was Tsien Hsue-shen, he was a distinguished professor at the California Institute of Technology, and he was kept under house arrest for five years before being deported to China under a thick cloud of suspicion.

"If there's one parallel we can draw it's that both cases were severely mishandled," says Chang. (Click Read the entire article on VirtualChina.)

NewsMakingNews asks the obvious question-- was having China develop the A-bomb early, via Tsien's help, the FBI's goal anyway?  Given the huge technological transfer of classified nuclear material to China in the past ten years, isn't it the real goal of the FBI to give technology to China, to make it even more powerful,  without giving a damn for US national security?  The FBI is one of the agencies in charge of  checking top secret classifications at the national laboratories. The FBI is employing security firms such as Wackenhut to do its dirty work, its security work and its polygraph tests at Los Alamos laboratory. Yes, Wackenhut was involved in polygraphing regarding Wen Ho Lee case.  No wonder the case commenced with 39 unprovable charges and then broke down the way into a plea, after 9 months of prison torture of the accused!  Note, the military employs DynCorp and other private security firms to do some of its dirty work off-shore, perhaps taking its cue from the FBI's employment of Wackenhut. (Or Wackenhut's employment of the FBI.)

United States sworn peace officers and sworn military officers are being required to give away their essential functions to these private out-fits which employ people who are outright wheeler dealers to make a profit anyway they can. (Look at the guys on Wackenhut's board of directors!)  There is no government accountability in the United States when private firms like Wackenhut are being used to supervise accountability. Wackenhut started its corporate climb when it served as the investigator for Clay Shaw during the Garrison trial.  Since then, the pay-back to Wackenhut has been huge. Whenever the local lazy FBI agents who don't like to do their homework, need some little bit of work done so all hell doesn't break loose, they call in Wackenhut and other private out-fits and give them a high pile of Franklins. (In the meantime, you can see many of your happy fat cat FBI agents down at the golf links in Rohnert Park, California hitting the tiny white balls back and forth with the cocaine dealers and child molesters. Now, if you need some local justice, you know where to take your "golf" bag!)  The FBI has developed this nasty habit of not doing the job its paid to do--just paying others to do the job the FBI is not paid to do. Nasty habits die hard.

Only officers of the law and military, who have taken the oath to uphold the law and the Constitution and who are subject to court martial or indictment  if they break the oath, should be handling national security issues in the United States.  Will the FBI ever stop prostituting itself to private firms and private individuals who allegedly do "security work" for the U.S. but who really do dirty deals for private profiteering?  China wants to know!