CONTENTS AUGUST 19, 2000
MIDSI SANCHEZ AND XIANA FAIRCHILD UPDATE 8/19/00.
Click. Curtis Dean Anderson pleads not guilty to 11 counts.
Click. Not guilty says Anderson.
Click. Vallejo - a place for parolees?
Click. Porn to Win in Seattle
Click. G.W. BUSH'S "JESUS DAY". IS THEOCRACY THE PLAN?
Click. FLORIDA PORNO RAID LEADS TO MARC DUTROUX, THE "BELGIAN BEAST."
Click. Gore's Surrender.
Belgian police notified U.S. authorities they had "electronically traced" pornography seized in their investigation to a home in the Palm Beach County town of Lake Worth.
Customs and other federal agents obtained a warrant to search the home, seized a computer and numerous videocassette tapes and arrested occupant Wayne Camolli on child pornography charges, Customs spokesman Steve Wunderlich said.
The home was filled with so much rotting garbage, trash and cat feces that the agents had to borrow oxygen masks and hazardous materials suits from the county fire department to carry out the search, Wunderlich said.
"In some rooms it went to the ceiling," he said. "The accumulation of garbage and waste was so deep and nasty...when you opened the door you were hit with it."
Acting on information from the Belgians, U.S. investigators e-mailed Camolli and were given access to an on-line bulletin board allegedly run from Camolli's home computer and containing "a large amount of child pornography," Wunderlich said.
The child porn that the Belgians traced to Florida was seized from Felix De Coninck, a suspect in the kidnapping and molestation of a 14-year-old girl, Wunderlich said.
De Coninck in turn had links to Marc Dutroux, a convicted child rapist who is awaiting trial on charges of abducting, raping, torturing and murdering four young girls in Belgium in 1996, U.S. officials said. Two other victims were found drugged and abused but still alive in a makeshift dungeon in one of several houses he owned.
Dutroux, dubbed the "Belgian Beast," briefly escaped from police during a 1998 visit to a court in the southern Belgian town of Neufchateau. He grabbed a gun from the lone policeman guarding him, hijacked a passing car and disappeared but was arrested again a few hours later.
The security lapse caused such an outcry that Belgium's Justice and Interior Ministers were forced to resign.
U.S. officials could not elaborate on the connection between De Coninck and Dutroux, but said they were part of the same "child pornography, molestation and murder investigation" in Belgium.
Copyright 2000 Reuters. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
From The Progressive Review / Undernews 8/18/00
Now that we happily learn from the NY Times that Joe Lieberman balances faith and politics - as opposed to most religious politicians? - it may be well to turn our attention to Boy Bush, who does have a few problems in this regard.
After all Bush is the guy who has declared June 10 to be Jesus Day in his state. Bush also has said that "in every instance where my administration sees a responsibility to help people, we will look first to faith-based organizations, charities and community groups."
Bush's theocracy was, as you might imagine, not totally his own idea. He owes more than a little to the Manhattan Institute, a right-wing think tank founded by Bill Casey shortly before he became director the CIA. Besides helping to make "faith-based" the politicians' favorite euphemism for
'religious,' the institute has fostered the notorious Charles Murray as well as one of George Bush's favorite writers, Michael Magnet, author of the 'The Dream and the Nightmare,' the latter being all those poor folks mucking up the place. In a review in the Texas Observer, Michael King wrote:
"Poor people are poor and nasty because they choose to be so, and any attempt by the community at large to ameliorate their unhappy circumstances is by definition counterproductive. And though he tap-dances around the subject in various statistical ways, the undeserving poor (a.k.a. the
underclass), whom Magnet pities and despises in almost equal measures, are most specifically the black urban poor: those foul-mouthed, crack-smoking, baby-dropping, white-folks mugging, wild-running Caliban-caricatures of the suburban imagination, who refuse to work because they have learned (apparently from reading Norman Mailer, Michael Harrington, and R.D. Laing) that they can act crazy on street corners selling dope without fear of retribution while readily pocketing twenty grand a year on welfare.
"What are the solutions to this cultural catastrophe? Do nothing only much more nothing. Scratch these neo-cons and one inevitably turns up Charles Murray (of Losing Ground and The Bell Curve), the "brilliant" sociologist who has concluded repeatedly that all welfare programs should be abolished because they do more harm than good (especially by allowing able-bodied mothers to stay home with their kids when they should be on the job market keeping wages down). Lately Murray has taken to saying the same thing about public education, since certain children are, well, ineducable. (We all know who they are.) Magnet suspects Murray is right, although he says he wouldn't go that far the requisite political will is unfortunately lacking, and perhaps in the short-term, "casualties would be too great." He counsels instead the usual draconian measures to force welfare mothers (only the deserving widowed or divorced, of course) into the job market, although with surprisingly liberal provisions for day care and Head Start programs."
The Manhattan Institute is obsessed with such matters. Eric Alterman, in the Nation, described another of its good works:
"The great book of the New Right's assault on traditional forms of knowledge was Charles Murray's anti-welfare tract Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980 (1984) The Manhattan Institute inaugurated an extraordinary campaign to sell Murray to the public. Once the book was published, [MI President William Hammett] sent 700 copies to journalists, politicians and academics and hired a PR expert to turn the unknown author into a media celebrity. He paid journalists $500 to $1,500 each to participate in a seminar on Murray and his thought. In addition, Hammett wrote, "any discretionary funds at our disposal for the next few months will go toward financing Murray's outreach activities." Once again the model worked flawlessly. The book itself proved to be the prototype of The Bell Curve: Murray-ite ideology mixed with pseudo science and killer public relations--welfare causes poor (read "black") people to breed like bunnies, and "we" would be doing everyone a favor if we just stopped encouraging "them." "We tried to provide more for the poor, and we created more poor instead," as Murray argued . . . A decade later, Murray would undertake an even grander mission on behalf of his sponsors. It would be to make racism scientifically respectable. Murray's research was considered so controversial that this time the Manhattan Institute refused to have anything to do with him, and he was shunted off to the American Enterprise Institute."
One of those who feels that the MI may not have totally lost its affinity for the CIA way of life after Casey left, is New York artist-activist Robert Lederman. Casey, he notes, "was a top American intelligence operative who, among other endeavors, helped the CIA bring thousands of Nazi SS officials into the US after WWII as part of Operation Paper Clip. These Nazi SS doctors, scientists and intelligence experts who were directly involved in the death camps, in propaganda work and in creating the prototypes for new and better ways to kill masses of people, were installed in private
industry, in the CIA, in medical and psychological research programs in universities and in the media, supposedly to fight Communism."
Many of these SS officials professed strong religious convictions, as did Adolf Hitler himself. Hitler himself, while schmoozing with the Vatican in 1933, said, "Secular schools can never be tolerated because such schools have no religious instruction, and a general moral instruction without a
religious foundation is built on air; consequently, all character training and religion must be derived from faith . . . we need believing people." But the Nazi's main interest was, of course, along other lines, including the pursuit of eugenics i.e. the science of getting rid of people you don't want
mucking up the place.
Lederman argues that "while the public expression of the ideas of the MI are couched in politically-correct terminology, the ideas themselves are closer to those of late 19th and early 20th century eugenics than any other source. Eugenics is the application of science to the task of improving the human race by selective breeding (positive eugenics) and sterilization or
elimination of undesirable members of society (negative eugenics)."
To support this idea a Eugenics Records Office was established in 1910, which lasted until 1940. Biology professor Garland Allen of Washington University writes that "In 1913, the Eugenics Research Association was founded to bring together those interested in the latest eugenical investigations. In 1918, the Galton Society began meeting monthly at the American Museum of Natural History in New York to hear papers on eugenics and related subjects. And in 1923, the American Eugenics Society, which grew to include more than 1,200 members and branch organizations in 29 states by the end of the decade, was formally launched as a result of a proposal drawn up at the International Congress of Eugenics in New York in 1921. Elsewhere, J.H. Kellogg, the cereal magnate from Battle Creek, Mich., founded the Race Betterment Foundation in the years just before World War I, while eugenics education societies formed in Illinois, Missouri, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Utah, and California."
In February, the Village Voice reported, "A century ago, scientists from the top universities in America began to study people's pedigrees in the hopes of creating "perfect" children. Instead, they spawned a monster: the pseudo-science of eugenics. Minority groups were most often the target of this plan--the ERO itself was endowed by a grant from the widow of railroad magnate E.H. Harriman [Prescott Bush was A. Harriman's business partner in Brown Brother Harriman, a firm that specialized in financing Hitler]. Today's breakthroughs in, say, prenatal screening would have been embraced by eugenicists, and there's always a group of people who will subscribe to racial-inferiority theories like those in The Bell Curve [written by Manhattan Institute scholar, Charles Murray]."
Writes Lederman: "Eugenics reached its most popular expression in numerous American laws passed in the 1920's and 1930's requiring forcible sterilization of mental defectives and restricting immigration from Eastern Europe, Ireland, Africa and Latin America. Among its top promoters were Rockefeller and Henry Ford. Today, their foundations continue to fund many of the top eugenics programs in the world . . . Until WWII and the Holocaust temporarily gave eugenics a bad name, many American states were seriously considering legislation requiring euthanasia for people with chronic diseases and for so-called chronic criminals.
"Among the very few legitimate claims to fame of G.W. Bush is his unprecedented record of presiding over executions while Governor of Texas. Men, women and even mentally retarded convicts are sent to their deaths via lethal injection in Texas at a rate roughly equal to all other US governors combined."
As late as this month, the NY Times reported that "Gov. George W. Bush has opposed laws that would prohibit the execution of the mentally retarded. It is a position he still holds, a spokeswoman, Linda Edwards, said on Friday."
Just something to think about when you're celebrating Jesus Day.
PORN TO WIN IN SEATTLE?
Letter to NewsMakingNews:
Click . Porn to Win, By Mark D. Fefer The Seattle Weekly 8/17/00
Here is a rare peek into the massive yet, mostly hidden world of the Internet sex world. An industry where we have been continually reminded that it is the single most dependable source of profits on the net. Seattle gave birth to the original "panoramas" at the turn of the previous century. Simple boxes where a viewer watched a series of jerky moving pictures for a minute or two, people flocked to these machines. These same "modern" devises evolved into the more current peek show booths that have appeared in arcades in cities and town everywhere. This new sex technology is but only the newest form of what is a long tradition of peek shows. The difference is you no longer need a fist full of quarters. It just costs a click or two!
There is much included here for the researcher or just interested reader. Of special note in passing, is the confirmation that the bulk of sexual imagery involving children is believed to be coming from Russia. This also has been my conclusion, from my own researching kid on-line erotic imagery.
Best, Ronn in Seattle 8/18/00
Click to read article.
Weekly - tech: Porn to Win
Anderson, 39, a career criminal, faces 11 counts in the two-day-long kidnapping of Midsi Sanchez, who was abducted Aug. 10 as she walked home from school.
She managed to free herself from her abductor's car and flag a passing truck driver for help. Anderson was arrested at a San Jose residence within hours.
The girl's moxie in escaping her captor and aiding in the arrest of a suspect buoyed this Bay Area suburb for days after her return.
The charges against Anderson could bring 250 years to life in prison if he is convicted, Solano County deputy district attorneys have said.
Anderson, in a blue jail jumpsuit, attended his brief court appearance in a wheelchair Friday. His public defender, Mark Roelke, said Anderson needs a cane to walk, but canes are prohibited in jail for security reasons. He will be back in court Sept. 7, when a date will be set for a preliminary hearing.
Roelke said after the hearing that Anderson is shocked because media reports about his prior record are distorted or wrong.
"There's this effort to link him to every missing child in the U.S.," he said.
Anderson, who police said had lived at various addresses in the Bay Area, was in and out of prison between 1986 and 1999 for various crimes and parole violations, such as drug possession and weapons possession and exposing himself to the children of his girlfriend.
He was convicted of kidnapping a female acquaintance in 1991 at gunpoint in his mother's Vallejo home and driving her to Oregon. She managed to escape when he fell asleep at a rest stop.
Because evidence taken from Anderson's car indicates he may have traveled widely since his release from prison in May 1999, authorities are looking at missing children cases in other locations for possible links.
Authorities in Las Vegas, where a 7-year-old girl who looks like Midsi has been missing since November, said Anderson notified them in March that he intended to live there, a requirement for all ex-felons in Clark County.
They have not found evidence that Anderson was there when the girl disappeared, however.
In Vallejo, Midsi's disappearance had touched off speculation that a serial kidnapper was in town because the girl resembled Xiana Fairchild, a 7-year-old girl who has been missing for eight months.
Authorities have not found any evidence that links Anderson to Xiana's disappearance.
Roelke said he is thinking about asking to have the trial moved out of town because of the publicity.
The Sanchez family did not attend the court hearing Friday.
At their home, a few blocks from the courtroom where Anderson appeared, letters a foot high on the garage door and front picture window spelled out the family's thank-you card to well-wishers in English and Spanish.
Relatives of Xiana, who lent moral support and practical help to the Sanchez family during their two-day ordeal, went to the courthouse so the Sanchez family could do other things.
"They need to focus on their daughter," said Stephanie Kahalekulu, who is Xiana's great-aunt.
"The court system will take care of Anderson."
Plea: Not guilty
By Robert McCockran, Vallejo Times-Herald staff writer 8/18/00
A wheelchair-bound Curtis Dean Anderson pleaded not guilty Friday in Solano County Court to felony charges that the former Vallejo resident kidnapped and assaulted 8-year-old Midsi Sanchez.
Anderson, 39, also denied the criminal enhancements to the charges listed in an 11-count felony complaint filed Aug. 15 in Solano County Court. The enhancements, if proved, would increase any penalty upon conviction.
Anderson sat in a wheelchair during his brief court appearance. His attorney, Deputy Public Defender Mark Roelke, explained that Anderson was in the wheelchair because of a pre-existing hip injury.
Roelke and Deputy District Attorney Donna Stashyn agreed to set a preliminary hearing date at Anderson's next court appearance, Sept. 7.
Midsi, a Highland Elementary School third-grader, freed herself last Saturday and escaped her abductor in Santa Clara, two days after her parents reported her missing. Based largely on Sanchez's recollections, Anderson was arrested at a mobile home park in San Jose, police said.
Midsi's uncle and aunt, Victor and Elaine Sanchez, who had been sitting near the front, evaded the gaggle of media outside the courtroom. They left through the courtroom's back door with the help of a bailiff after the four-minute hearing.
Stephanie Kahalekulu, Xiana Fairchild's great aunt, and her mother, Lita Domingo, also attended.
Kahalekulu said she needs to attend the hearings because she needed to "see this person" and, because of the possible connection to Xiana's disappearance. She cited similarities in the cases, like the girls' ages and appearances as well as claims that Anderson frequented Vallejo's downtown area, where he once drove a taxi and may have given Xiana a ride. According to records, he lost his cab job early Dec. 9, the same day Xiana vanished.
Kahalekulu said she was amazed at the way Anderson made "eye contact" with her and others when he was wheeled into the courtroom.
"To think that for eight months, we have no answer as to where she is. And you're staring at someone who may have an answer," Kahalekulu said. "We need to get it out of him one way or another.
"He obviously has no conscience," she said. "In my opinion, he's guilty."
According to court records, Anderson was convicted in April 1986, of possessing stolen property and in March, the following year, he was convicted of possessing stolen property.
Anderson was charged with kidnapping, kidnapping for ransom, assault with a deadly weapon, robbery and vehicle theft in connection with an incident that occurred at his home in October 1991.
A jury, however, convicted him the following April of the "lesser-related offense," false imprisonment, and sentenced him to eight months plus four years in prison for stealing a vehicle. He received two more years from enhancements for his prior felony convictions. He also has a lengthy record for numerous other arrests and charges dating back to 1975.
While police in a number of states have been focusing on Anderson as a possible suspect in missing children cases, he has so far been linked only to the Midsi Sanchez case. In Vallejo, police are trying to determine a timeline of his movements, while FBI forensic experts examine evidence from his car and the Vallejo cab he once drove.
"He's very somber and I think he's actually shocked at the misrepresentations of his prior record and the efforts to link him to almost every unsolved lost child case in the western United States," Roelke said. The defense attorney said he is considering seeking a gag order in hopes of reducing the negative publicity against Anderson.
Meanwhile, fresh leads in the case of missing Xiana has spurred a renewal of energy at the Xiana Fairchild Volunteer Center.
Kahalekulu said about 20 searchers will scour an area "known to be frequented by Curtis Dean Anderson."
Kahalekulu said anyone interested in taking part in the search can call 558-9212 for more information, or drop by the center next to Chevy's in Vallejo's Gateway Plaza at 153 Plaza Dr.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
Vallejo: A place for parolees?
By Sheryl A. Tankersley, Vallejo Times-Herald staff writer 8/18/00
Not far from the apartments where Xiana Fairchild was last seen, more than a thousand paroled prison inmates check in with their parole officers in Vallejo.
There are a few programs available to help parolees find a places to live and work as they readjust to their new freedoms and responsibilities beyond prison walls. But one particularly effective program in rehabilitation and in keeping track of parolees in Oakland is beyond the reach of those in Vallejo.
That is because the program in Oakland, called PACT or Police And Corrections Team, is a year-old experiment in rehabilitating convicts, and Vallejo's parolees comprise its "control group."
"The Vallejo unit of the state Parole and Community Services Division has too few staff members and insufficient office space to support a PACT program at this time," Vallejo Mayor Tony Intintoli, Jr. said Friday. "Additionally, we've been advised that the Department of Corrections has designated Vallejo as a 'control' city, where it purposely limits parolee programs and activities for comparison purposes."
Intintoli learned of the program during a conference in New York, in a chat with Oakland Mayor Jerry Brown. Upon his return home, having received glowing remarks about Oakland's program from the Vallejo Police Department, Intintoli pursued the launch of the same program in Vallejo.
The state turned him down.
Undaunted, Intintoli fired off a letter last week to state Sen. Wes Chesbro, D-Arcata. In it, Intintoli asserted: "It is totally unacceptable that the Department of Corrections has elected to place our citizens and our community at risk simply to establish a 'base line' for future research."
The State Department of Corrections, Parole and Community Services Division at 1840 Capitol Street, near Tuolumne, has 20 parole officers who maintain contact with 1,524 parolees, said Deborah Star, of the Department of Correction's office in Oakland.
That means each parole officer keeps track of about 74 parolees who live in Napa, Solano and Contra Costa counties.
Of the parolees monitored in Vallejo, just 611 live in Vallejo; 224 live in Contra Costa County and 138 live in Napa. The rest live elsewhere in Solano County.
"The people who are raising families are very concerned about moving into an area that may be proliferated with criminals," said Ann Lannin, who moved to Vallejo from San Carlos a year ago.
Lannin said her 31-year-old daughter is pregnant with her first child and has been looking to move out of San Francisco into a nice place to start a family.
"I've been showing her homes in Vallejo," Lannin said. "(But) we are no longer interested in that until we can clear up this situation."
In talking with her neighbors in the Bay Village neighborhood, she has heard Vallejo described as a dumping ground for parolees.
"This information was shared with me from several different sources from people in the community who seem to take this as a matter of fact," Lannin said. "Who determines where these people live after they are released? Who recommends an area to them?"
Once released from prison, inmates are returned to the city where they lived before their arrest. In that way they can be near their families and receive the support they often need to work their way back into the community.
"Solano County gets only those people back that parole believes lived here before they committed the offense," said Vallejo Police Chief Bob Nichelini. "My belief is, more come to Vallejo and that is because Vallejo has a lot of transient housing, short-term housing, motels, single-room-occupancy buildings.
"That is the kind of place parolees end up living when they get out of prison. ... It's not just Vallejo, it's all cities similarly situated, older cities."
Nichelini suggested that the state ought to compensate local law enforcement agencies for the number of inmates living in their jurisdiction.
"If you are going to put them here, then you ought to give us some help in dealing with them," Nichelini said, adding that there is no way to prove the state is in fact returning paroled inmates to Solano County by dropping them off in Vallejo.
by David Corn © 2000, The Nation
Less than a hour after George Bush concluded his party's have-a-nice-election convention with a vapid but beyond-the-expectations acceptance speech, a source deep within the Gore camp called me. This person had already conferred with several Gore-ites, and each had expressed the same sentiment: "Oh shit. What do we do now?" Bush and the Republicans had succeeded in staging an r&b-scored, feel-good revue that transfused Bush's own affability into his campaign and party, that defined the election as a contest mostly of personality and character (with Bush oddly cast as the morally upright grown-up sadly disappointed with Clinton and Gore because of you-know-what), and that rendered the now smirk-free Bush into presidential material presiding over a united party that has reined in its more extreme elements.
The ease and cunning with which the Bush campaign distanced itself--in sights and sound--from the Party of Newt was frightening for Democrats. No calls for culture wars. No shrill attacks. No demands for dramatic downsizing of the federal government. No bowing to the religious right or the gun nuts. No mention of the impeachment jihad. None of the harsh stuff Democrats have desperately relied on in recent years. After all, who needs policies when you can satanize Gingrich and cry out, "The religious right is coming"? For their part, Bush and Dick Cheney did champion a few policy ideas--privatizing Social Security, implementing sweeping tax cuts, instituting school vouchers--but the thrust of both of their speeches was that Gore should be booted to avenge the honor of the Oval Office.
In other words, this election is about a stain.
Rather than challenge that proposition, Gore confirmed it when he selected Senator Joe Lieberman, the "New Democrat" from Connecticut, to be his running mate. After watching the GOPers try to establish the race as a competition of standards and character, Gore elected not to fight back with issues. Instead, he handcuffed himself to a probity stand-in, a socially conservative Orthodox Jew who prominently scolded Bill Clinton for his pseudo-sex scandal. Gore's response to the Republicans' collective tsk-tsk over Clinton: Yes, this is about a stain, but I have my own personal delouser.
But placing a dry cleaner on the ticket only calls attention to the mess. It doesn't compensate--or change the topic. Moreover, Lieberman's brand of cleaning fluid ruins as much material as it destains. Lieberman, who chairs the corporate-funded, right-leaning Democratic Leadership Council, flirted with partial privatization of Social Security and experimenting with school vouchers--ideas promoted by Bush and attacked by Gore as risky schemes. With Lieberman by his side, Gore can no longer slam Bush on these crucial fronts. He's traded ammunition for cover. During the Republican convention, Al From, the DLC's grand pooh-bah, moaned, "We can expect GOP presidential candidate George W. Bush to continue aping our politics throughout the rest of the campaign." Who's the monkey now? Nanoseconds after the Lieberman news hit the cable shows, the Bush campaign gleefully zapped out a nose-thumbing statement: "From Social Security reform to missile defense, tort reform to parental notification [regarding abortion], and from school choice to affirmative action, Al Gore has chosen a man whose positions are more similar to Governor Bush's than to his own." An overstatement, but a very useful one for the Republicans.
Lieberman is hardly a base-player. He shares Gore's corporate-friendly trade position, which irritates unionists. (He has supported labor on less contentious matters, such as workplace safety standards and the minimum wage. His voting record rates 80 percent on the AFL-CIO's scorecard.) Let Gore defend Lieberman's opposition to affirmative action next time he visits a black church. Lieberman, a hawk during the Gulf War and the Kosovo bombing, has urged the party to be "pro-business" and led the charge for capital gains tax cuts. He is not in tune with Gore's recent populist thrusts against Big Oil, Big Pharmaceuticals and Big Insurance. He would protect HMOs from lawsuits seeking punitive damages, and he opposed the Clinton healthcare plan in favor of a more limited proposal put out by the insurance companies that have generously underwritten his campaigns. He is in favor of gun control, supportive of gay rights (but not same-sex marriage), usually a reliable vote for environmentalists and pro-choice (although as Connecticut Attorney General back in the eighties, he did fight to cut off Medicaid funding for abortion--and lost).
Lieberman has built his reputation by advancing conservative positions on social issues. Out-Tippering Tipper, he teamed up with GOP culture cop William Bennett to assail Hollywood and the music industry, targeting rap music. (So much for the young urban black vote.) He wrote the law that required V-chips in television sets. His DLC has called for making it tougher to obtain a divorce. (Lieberman is once-divorced and has remarried.) He chairs the Center for Jewish and Christian Values, which aims to bring Jews and Christians together "to build a more moral society in America"--but apparently "moral" from a conservative perspective.
The twenty-five-member board Lieberman oversees is top-loaded with right-wingers, including Elliott Abrams, Gary Bauer, William Bennett, Jack Kemp, Jeane Kirkpatrick, William Kristol, Michael Medved, Michael Novak and Ralph Reed. (The outfit that sponsors the center, the International Fellowship of Christians and Jews, attributes out-of-wedlock births, juvenile crime and "a breakdown in basic morality" to the absence of school prayer.) The sanctimonious Lieberman has perfected a neo-Democratic recipe: Offer suburbanites dollops of liberalism on safe issues like the environment and chunks of conservatism on the so-called values issues of welfare, crime, education and culture, while providing plenty of assistance to the party's corporate funders.
Perhaps Gore had planned a DLC-ish lurch to the right all along. His populist us-against-the -powerful bit--well, that was just a summer fling. Or perhaps this all-too-cautious pol decided it was time to get funky and do something bold--break the Jew barrier. But Gore's partnership with Lieberman smacks of an "oh shit" overreaction to the Bush show in Philadelphia. With Lieberman, he has accepted--or surrendered to--the Bush terms of battle.