Click. Bush, Gov. Ridge and Enron. The deal.

Click.  Frank Keating (Bush's VP pick?) Damage Control, Inc.



Click. Israel plans to act against money laundering

Click. Ottawa researchers find virus that kills cancer cells

Click. George Orwell's Unhappy Birthday by Norman Soloman


Posted on FreeRepublic by "incindiary" 6/29/00:

Frank Keating appointed to his cabinet one of the Waco FBI "spokesman", Bob Ricks, who is guilty of the Waco cover-up.  Here's a little sample of Bob Ricks... click.

Bob Ricks, FBI Spokesman:

We will continue to gas, probably all day. We will continue to gas them and make their environment as uncomfortable as possible until they do exit the compound.

As stated before, when CS and MS combine, and burn, one of the by products is CYANIDE. One of the byproducts of MS alone is hydrogen chloride (hydrogen chloride: First appeared 1869 : a colorless pungent poisonous gas; yields hydrochloric acid when dissolved in water) The next by product is phosgene. (Phosgene is a colorless, extremely poisonous gas, first introduced in World War I as an offensive poison.)

The only reason some of the people above survived close to 6 hours is that some of them had gas masks, but who's filters wouldn't work for longer than a few of those hours anyway.

The Feds KNEW gas masks weren't made for children!!


Source: The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror (via
Published: 1998 Author: David Hoffman
Posted on 06/29/2000 11:35:52 PDT by Dexter Wang © 2000

After reading Matt Drudge's story today about Keating as Bush's VP choice and the post on the subject by truthandlife, I thought some of you might be interested in the following, from the book "The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror," by David Hoffman.

We pick up the story in the section "Frank Keating; Damage Control Inc.," (p. 276) where some of those that lost loved ones are talking about how charitable contributions that were sent to them by ordinary Americans were stolen:

Moreover, out of thousands of checks sent to Smith through the Red Cross, none were ever received. All the letters had been opened, the checks missing, including some sent via the Governor's and Mayor's office. "All the mail that the Red Cross delivered to my house, probably thousands of pieces of mail, every single piece was opened before I got it. And it all had my name on it," said Smith.

"We started noticing that the mail that came to the house had money in it," said Kathy Wilburn, "but the majority of the mail that came to us through the Red Cross… it was all opened and there was never a thin dime in any of it."

When Smith called the Red Cross to complain, she was told that her mail wasn't being opened, and that no money was being taken. When Wilburn confronted the head of the local Red Cross, she was told that their letters were being opened to check for "hate mail." Wilburn told her that the explanation was "ridiculous."

"A mother sent me a little card that her little boy drew." said Smith, "She said 'my little boy saved this three dollars and wanted you to have it.' And the three dollars was gone."(866)

Keating's answer to the missing funds? Interning college students were responsible for the thefts. Perhaps former G-Man Keating was training the young lads for upcoming counter-intelligence operations. Such would not be unusual tactics for a man who worked as an FBI agent during COINTELPRO (the FBI's Counter Intelligence Program of the late-60s to mid 70s), where he personally infiltrated anti-government activists like the Weathermen, the Black Panthers, and the SDS (Students For A Democratic Society), and stated he sees little difference between them and the militias.(867)(868)

(In the footnotes, Keating is quoted as stating: "The leftists I deal with would never consider themselves patriots, and they had contempt for the government. The right-wing crowd has contempt for the government, and yet they see themselves as patriots. It's a curious anomaly, but both of them are very similar.")

Keating also served as Assistant Attorney General under Edwin Meese. Meese was Attorney General during the 1985 fire-bombing of MOVE headquarters. MOVE was a group of black housing activists living in a squatted building in Philadelphia. The satchel charge, dropped from a helicopter by Philadelphia's finest (with a little help from the FBI), resulted in the deaths of over 11 people, including five children, and destroyed numerous square blocks of the city.

Instead of launching a proper investigation into the matter, Meese's response was "consider it an eviction notice."

Meese would later be implicated in the October Surprise scandal, which propelled Ronald Reagan into the White House via a secret deal to release the hostages in Iran after the defeat of Jimmy Carter. As his reward, Meese was appointed Attorney General, where he would go on to commit then cover up other crimes, the two most notorious being Iran-Contra and the Inslaw affair.

But Keating's involvement with the scions of truth and justice doesn't end there. Keating served in the Bush administration as Assistant Treasury Secretary during the Iran-Contra investigations. Gene Wheaton, a former Tulsa police officer and Army CID investigator who worked for the Christic Institute, observes that it was George Bush who personally selected Keating as Assistant Treasury Secretary in 1985, where he supervised INTERPOL, the Customs Service, The Secret Service, and the ATF.(869)

As Wheaton writes:

The word in Tulsa is that Bush is his "political godfather;" that Keating got his job in the Treasury Department through Bush's good offices and that Bush "loves Keating." The connection appears to be an old-boy connection through the Southern Hills Country Club in Tulsa, Oklahoma.(870)

"In his position, Keating could control both the investigative and prosecutorial side of any scandal that came his way," adds Portland Free Press publisher Ace Hayes. "1985-88 had guns, drugs, and illegal money moving all over the globe. Was the ATF, who couldn't find it's ass with both hands, as really as incompetent as it appeared, or was Frank Keating there to make sure they did not?"(871)

In fact, it was while Keating was serving as Assistant Treasury Secretary that IRS investigator Bill Duncan--who was investigating Iran-Contra drug-running activities at Mena--was instructed to perjure himself. As Duncan stated in a deposition before a joint Congressional/Arkansas Attorney General investigative committee:

Duncan: In late December of 1987, I was contacted by [the] Chief Counsel for the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime… who told me that they were looking into the reason why no one was indicted in connection with the Mena investigations. The Internal Revenue Service assigned to me disclosure litigation attorneys, which gave me instructions which would have caused me to withhold information from Congress during my testimony and to also perjure myself.

Committee: And how did you respond to the Treasury Department?

Duncan: Well, I exhibited to them that I was going to tell the truth in my testimony. And the perjury, subornation of perjury resulted in an--resulted because of an allegation that I had received, that Attorney General Edwin Meese received a several hundred thousand dollar bribe from Barry Seal directly. And they told me to tell the Subcommittee on Crime that I had no information about that.(872)

Arkansas State Police investigator Russell Welch, who provided the information to Duncan, was subsequently poisoned. Two months later, Keating was appointed as Associate Attorney General.(873)

It seems that Frank Keating has served as a point-man, weaving a twisted trail through some of America's most notorious crimes, including Iran-Contra, BCCI, Iraqgate, the S&L crisis, and… Oklahoma City.

Keating has always been at the nexus bridging the agendas of good ole' boys like George Bush, with their elitist agendas, and the subsequent covert-operations sub-cultures which they spawned. In an article in the Portland Free Press entitled "Another Bush Boy," Wheaton writes:

The covert-operations "lunatic fringe" in Washington, which took over key operations at the national security level, [and] still controls them today, was Bush's 1981 agenda, and Keating is the next generation to carry it on.(874)*

(* "Wheaton suggests that Keating is being groomed for the 2000 presidential [or vice-presidential] candidacy." Note: this book was published in 1998--DW)

It was only three months after Keating's inauguration as Governor that the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Building occurred. Given his background and grooming, Keating was in a perfect position to direct "damage control." As Wheaton notes:

Keating is an a perfect position to control the direction and scope of any state investigation which might not correspond to the official federal inquiry.

It appeares Keating did just that. As Governor, Keating was in a position to halt the hurried demolition of the Murrah building, ordered by federal authorities under the guise of "safety." Bob Ricks, the FBI PR flack who spoon-fed a daily dose of lies to the press during the Waco siege, was appointed Oklahoma Director of Public Safety by Keating after the demolition. Keating and Ricks were good friends from college.

The demolition was ordered under the pseudo-psychological premise of providing "closure" to the festering wound hanging over the city. The demolition also effectively prevented any independent forensic investigation of the bomb site.(875)†

Said a victim whose spouse was killed in the explosion, "I was upset right from the start when there was the big rush to destroy the crime scene, to take the building down. A lot of important evidence was destroyed that could have helped solve this."(876)

The feds' decision to destroy crucial forensic evidence has an eerie parallel to the demolition of Mt. Carmel. The destruction of the Branch Davidian church prevented independent examiners from determining that the ATF had fired into the roofs of the building during the early part of the raid, and that FBI snipers had deliberately shot people trying to escape.

Another Chapter from Hoffman's book:

"The Central Intelligence Agency owns everyone of any significance in the major media." - William Colby, former CIA Director

Eight months after the bombing, Oklahoma State Representative Charles Key, dissatisfied with the "official" investigation, attempted to form a state oversight committee. House Speaker Glen Johnson ridiculed Key's efforts, stating his satisfaction with the Justice Department's official fantasy tale. Anyone who subsequently attempted to challenge the government's official line was publicly discredited by Governor Keating, sneered at by Attorney General Drew Edmondson, and laughed at by the mainstream press.(834)

The local media provided a convenient platform for Governor Keating to dismiss critics of the government's handling of the case, including Edye Smith, Hoppy Heidelberg and Representative Key. In an attempt to discredit Heidelberg, Keating headed a carefully orchestrated chorus of media pundits, stating that Heidelberg was "off the reservation."

Keating also joined KWTV in attacking KFOR's coverage of the Middle Eastern connection, stating they lacked integrity.

He labeled Jim Levine, an attorney who represented several victims pro bono in an attempt to release money from the Governor and Mayor's Victims Relief Funds a "bottom-feeding" lawyer.(835)*

For his courageous efforts in uncovering the truth, Keating said Representative Key was "baying at the moon."(836)

Along with bombing victim Glenn Wilburn, Key attempted to impanel a County Grand Jury. Such a jury, operating outside the scope of the federal investigation, would not only have the power to investigate facts ignored by the federal grand jury, but have the power to level criminal obstruction of justice charges against anybody whom they believed might have impeded the investigation.

Given the allegations of wrongdoing in the federal investigation, such charges could conceivably be leveled against everybody from the ATF to the Justice Department.

In an interview in the McCurtain Gazette, Key explained, "Indisputable proof exists now that the federal grand jury was purposely shielded from witnesses who saw Timothy McVeigh with other suspects, both prior to and immediately after the bombing assault…. They may have a good motive for this, but thus far it escapes me--and, I might add, several members of the federal grand jury who witnessed this farce."

Keating's response, quoted in the Daily Oklahoman was: "I don't think a legislative committee would contribute one whit of intelligence to this process."(837)

The Daily Oklahoman and the Tulsa World, the state's two largest dailies, which should have led the pack in ferreting out the truth of this terrible tragedy, instead led the local media chorus with editorials such as this one in the Daily Oklahoman, entitled, "Drop It, Mr. Key."

The Daily Oklahoman has opposed Key's mission from the beginning.… State Rep. Charles Key's quest to prove that a government conspiracy played some role in the Murrah Building bombing is a weird and misguided exercise.… Oklahoma County District Attorney Bob Macy is correct in appealing a court ruling that allows Key a free hand to seek a county grand jury probe of his conspiracy theories.…(838)

The Tulsa World chimed in with editorials such as "Making Tragedy Pay," which labeled Key as a "dedicated hustler" peddling "goofy theories" to rightwing-crank audiences." They also accused the representative of profit-making from the sale of his bombing videos, which barely paid for themselves. The fact that Key had recently lost his insurance business due to his tireless efforts investigating the bombing, and was living on his $33,000-a-year salary to support a wife and three children in a small, ramshackle house, was not mentioned by the yellow journalists of the Tulsa World.

The "truth seekers" of the local media weren't finished either. They eagerly focused on the efforts of Drew Edmondson, who accused Key of proposing a "wasteful witch hunt" and of engaging in "the worst kind of paranoid conspiracy pandering." (See Appendix)

One article reported how Edmondson had convinced the State District Attorney's Council to oppose Key's investigative funding bill.

"This is unprecedented, as far as I know, for the Attorney General to go to such lengths with the District Attorneys Council and to use such intemperate language," the soft-spoken Key told The New American.

In fact, local radio polls revealed that an overwhelming majority of Oklahomans supported Key's efforts. While the Tulsa World and the Daily Oklahoman went to extremes to label Key as a "conspiracy nut," they never bothered mentioning that little fact.(839)*

Naturally, the CIA-connected Washington Post would have their say, comparing the "myth" of John Doe 2 to the Loch Ness Monster.

Lead prosecutor Joseph Hartzler added his voice to the ensemble, calling the leads "whacky theories."(840)

Key's grand jury petition was quashed on November 6th, 1995 by District Judge Daniel Owens on the grounds that it would be "re-inventing the wheel."(841)

Key appealed. As his attorney, Mark Sanford stated, "Legally [Owens] didn't have the right to quash the petition. But because he's a judge he has the power, whether it's legal or not."(842)

Beverly Palmer from Bob Macy's office argued at the appeals hearing in defense of Owens, claiming that the petition was "insufficient on its face," and the request was duplicitous of the federal grand jury's efforts.

Yet, as Appeals Judge Ronald Stubblefield pointed out, nowhere did Judge Owens state why the petition was insufficient. In fact Stubblefield was highly skeptical that Owens had any facts to advise him properly in his decision. "I question whether Judge Owens has the discretion" said Stubblefield. "He's just operating on what he knows about the bombing. Do you think it's right to make a judgment based on what he reads in the newspaper?"(843)

The same could be said about DA Bob Macy. At the time I interviewed him, he was collecting information on the case by reading Morris Dees' Gathering Storm, and The Turner Diaries. This was a year and-a-half after the bombing--a bombing that occurred right outside his window. He didn't know about John Doe 2. He had no idea about the Middle Eastern connection. He had done absolutely no investigation.

"I have not seen these things you are talking about right now," Macy told me. "When I see the evidence… I haven't been presented with the evidence." Macy subsequently claimed he wanted me to work with his so-called "task force" that was "investigating" the bombing, then never called me back.

His attitude was adequately reflected by his Assistant DA, Beverly Palmer. Visibly nervous, Palmer grasped at straws during the appeals hearing, arguing that the grand jury shouldn't be convened because of the need for "judicial economy," and that it contravened "public policy concerns."

"What policy concerns?" Judge Daniel Boudreau asked.(844)

In spite of the efforts of a group of good ole' boy politicians to sabotage justice, Judge Stubblefield remained firm: "The people have the right to circulate a petition if the people find that things aren't going the way they ought to be," he said. "Is it not the right, by the sanctified right of the grand jury in Oklahoma, to inquire whether a crime is committed? Don't they have the right to investigate people who they think are involved? This is a highly protected right."

The Appeals Court upheld Key's right to petition for a County Grand Jury by a unanimous vote.

Just two months before the hearing Macy claimed to this author that he intended to prosecute McVeigh and Nichols in a state trial on 161 counts of First Degree Murder. "I don't like taking a second seat to the [federal] prosecution," Macy stated. "The bombing killed 10 of my friends."

In a May 24, 1995 letter to Senator Orrin Hatch, one of the original drafters of the Anti-Terrorism Bill, Macy wrote:

First, immediately following the trial or trials in Federal Court, I shall, working in conjunction with the United Sates Department of Justice and the federal law-enforcement agencies investigating the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Building, prosecute the cowards responsible for murdering innocent people in the area surrounding the Federal Building.…

The State of Oklahoma has an overwhelming, compelling interest to seek and obtain the maximum penalty allowable by law for the senseless and cowardly killings. Not only is it in the interest of the State, it is my sworn duty to seek those sanctions, and I intend to fully carry out my responsibilities.…

Every day of delay represents a victory for these cowardly cold-blooded killers and another day of defeat and suffering for the victims and all other Americans who cry out for justice.(845)

Macy also impressed upon the author his interest in getting at the truth: "I'm prepared to do what ever it takes to get to the truth," Macy exclaimed. "My sole intent is in learning the truth!"

Yet when asked if he intended to conduct an investigation independent of the Feds', he said, "Well… I don't want to be a party to anything that will interfere with the Feds' prosecution. I Don't want to open up a new can of worms." (846)

After Macy lost the appeals hearing, he met with Wilburn and Key, explaining that he actually wished to cooperate with their investigation. Three days later, the two men discovered that Macy had decided to contest the Appeals Court's decision.

When a furious Key confronted Macy, all that the courageous, truth-seeking DA told him was, "They won't let me." When Key demanded to know who "they" were, Macy just lowered his eyes to the floor and repeated, "They won't let me."(847)

Key later learned from a source at ABC News that Macy had received a conference call from Janet Reno's deputy Jamie Gorlick, and the government's lead prosecutor, Joseph Hartzler, along with Governor Keating, Oklahoma City Fire Chief Gary Marrs, and Judge Daniel Owens.

When the grand jury was finally impaneled, federal prosecutors quickly attempted to block the testimony of federal employees.

Key also accused [Chief Assistant DA Pat] Morgan and others in Oklahoma County District Attorney Bob Macy's office of influencing and intimidating witnesses. "I am very upset about it," Key said. "Everyone should be outraged because of this."(848)

Interestingly, during a debate with Representative Key, Keating stated, "Nobody could get away with a cover-up; it would not be tolerated by civilized Oklahoma City.… Nobody's afraid of the truth."(849)

KFOR's Jayna Davis shed some light on the "truth-seeking" efforts of Bob Macy and the good ole' boy network of politicos from which he descends. Two years earlier, after an 8-year-old boy was raped, both Davis and the Public Defender demanded to know why Macy hadn't done anything. When Macy thought the camera was off, he whipped around and sternly admonished the reporter: "Lady, I don't know who you are or where you came from, but this isn't how we do business in Oklahoma!"(850)

Representative Key eventually took the case to the Oklahoma Supreme Court. In his opposing brief, Macy again argued that it would be "a waste of the taxpayers' time and money to convene an Oklahoma County Grand Jury when one was already in session or when a Federal Grand Jury had already heard all available evidence."

The Supreme Court did not agree with Macy. They unanimously upheld Key's right to impanel the grand jury, which was seated in June of '97, and is hearing evidence as of this writing.

Naturally, the Ministers of Truth at The Daily Oklahoman wasted little time, pumping out more bland editorial drivel to muddy the waters. The following piece, entitled "Conspiracy Theories," focuses on the fact that the County Grand Jury is only exacerbating the "agony" of some victims, who are apparently more concerned with some fairy tale notion of "closure" then in learning the truth:

Whatever the cause, the delay adds to the agony of those bombing victims who believe the investigation is a waste of time.

The Oklahoman shares that belief, but we are optimistic the probe may satisfy many who are suspicious about events before the bombing. Yet, we wonder if the more conspiratorial-minded will ever be satisfied.…

Conflicting conspiracy theories and an olio of circumstantial evidence abound here. Jurors in Denver sorted through testimony and found McVeigh guilty. Frustrating as it may be to some, there is little more to this crime than meets the eye. The rest is the stuff of fiction.(851)

By the Daily Oklahoman's account, the numerous credible witnesses who saw Timothy McVeigh with other suspects on the morning of the crime adds up to little more than "circumstantial evidence," while what prosecutors presented at trial--McVeigh's phone calls to chemical companies, his political views, and the completely irrelevant emotional tales from bombing victims--are not.(852)*

Given the local media's connections to the political good 'ole boy network via the Washington-connected Frank Keating, their position is hardly surprising. Famed Watergate journalist Carl Bernstein put some perspective on the matter when he revealed in a 1977 Rolling Stone article that over 400 U.S. journalists were employed by the CIA.

These ranged from freelancers who were paid for regular debriefings, to actual CIA officers who worked under deep cover. Nearly every major U.S. news organization has had spooks on the payroll, usually with the cooperation of top management.

The three most valuable assets the CIA could count on were William Paley's CBS, Arthur Sulzberger's New York Times and Henry Luce's Time/Life empire. All three bent over backwards promoting the picture of Oswald as a lone nut in the JFK assassination.(853)

The political good 'ole boy network wasn't finished trying to stop the courageous efforts of Representative Key. On May 7, 1997, Edmondson subpoenaed Key before a multi-county grand jury, alleging that he violated procedures in raising money for the bombing investigation. The Daily Oklahoman proudly proclaimed how it had played a critical role in bringing about the investigation of Key:

The Attorney General's action is a result of an inquiry by The Oklahoman about Key's seven-page solicitation letter on the Internet. The letter asks for money to "secure copies of the voluminous (federal) government documents and to pay independent investigators" and other expenses for the county grand jury investigation....

Bill Graves, an attorney who represented Key at the grand jury inquest, stated: "The law is pretty clear that you are not required to register before you hit the ten thousand dollar threshold, and Charles [Key] had not hit that limit so was not required to register. Edmondson knows that. They're just trying to slow Charles down or stop him through harassment."(854)

"This is all about stopping us and making us shut up, said Key. "If I would just quit the grand jury deal, this would all go away."(855)

Says V.Z Lawton, a HUD worker who survived the bombing, "You don't have to be that bright or look that hard to see the fraud and hypocrisy in these charges. For over a year and a half, they've been doing everything imaginable and employing the most absurd arguments to prevent Charles from impaneling a grand jury to investigate one of the worst crimes in our country's history. Now, after he's overcome all of their legal challenges in the courts and is close to getting a county grand jury investigation going, they drag him before a multi-county grand jury for what amounts to jaywalking, while the bombing and other genuine, serious crimes go uninvestigated."(856)

Lawton also brought to the attention of bombing investigators a February 5th, fax transmission to federal employees on the official letterhead of Attorney General Drew Edmondson. The letter sought signatures from survivors to go with letters that were to be sent to various news organizations. The cover sheet said it came from Richard M. Wintory, Chief Deputy Attorney General of the Criminal Division.

The letter, entitled, "A Plea to the Media from Oklahoma City: Don't O.J. Us!!!" purports to be a spontaneous response from victims asking the media not to "manipulate" and "exploit" them "for no purpose other than to enhance their ratings on the air and in publications."(857)

This obvious propaganda counteroffensive was in response to ABC 20/20's January, 1996 show about prior knowledge. It referred to the "so-called report" by ABC as "tabloid journalism" filled with "unsubstantiated and baseless claims that have been repeatedly debunked."

"We are appalled at the lack of interest in the truth and the underhanded method utilized by 20/20" stated the letter, which claimed that ABC had wrongfully implied that certain victims agreed with the "paranoid delusion" of the "ridiculous theory of government conspiracy in this crime." It added that "reporters are sometime tempted to forget the truth." Ultimately, it stated, "It is PEOPLE that matter in this life, either money nor possession nor a Pulitzer Prize."(858)

This classic PSYOP piece launched by Edmondson (which he angrily denied in a letter to the author) was signed, "Many Survivors and Family Members, Oklahoma City Bombing."

Lawton and HUD employee Jane Graham were two survivors who angrily denounced the letter for the sham that it was. "Since the communication was loaded with lies and half truths, I certainly could not sign it," said Lawton, "and I felt like a state Attorney General could better spend his time supporting an effort to find the truth rather than this transparent effort at helping to hide it."

"I am angry," stated Graham in a typed response to the letter, "that the Attorney General's office would play on the emotions of this office at HUD under the guise of keeping us posted on how they are proceeding and planning the case, causing further emotional turmoil in this office between employees."(859)

During a June 13, 1997 television interview, Edmondson was asked why those witnesses who saw McVeigh with other suspects were never called to testify at McVeigh's trial. Edmondson replied that prosecutors usually don't present witnesses whose testimony isn't "credible" or conflicts with other witnesses.

Rodney Johnson, who saw McVeigh with another man in front of the Murrah Building moments before it exploded, called Edmondson's statement "misguided."

"I took those comments to be rather personal," said Johnson.(860)

Edmondson's blatant attempt at coercing the victims to pander to the official government line is similar to a letter from a group of victims suggesting passage of the Anti-Terrorism Bill. The recipients were urged to call Edmondson if they were interested in participating.

Of course, while Edmondson accused ABC 20/20 of "manipulating" and "exploiting" the bombing victims, it is obvious that Edmondson himself hasn't done anything to manipulate or exploit anyone.(861)

Interestingly, several months after the scandalous smear campaign against Representative Key, Governor Keating was accused by the Oklahoma Ethics Commission of 32 violations of using state-owned vehicles for political fund-raising, including the state's $2.9 million airplane. Conveniently forgetting his own shameful and dishonest smear attacks against Representative Key, Keating sanctimoniously whined about how the allegations were "irresponsible, silly and completely unjustified." No doubt the Ethics Commission was "off the reservation," and "baying at the moon."

In spite of his unsuccessful attempts to smear honest men like Representative Key, Keating and his crooked political cronies wasted no time in discrediting Edye Smith, calling her allegations "hysterical." Smith was the mother of two young boys who perished in the bombing--Chase and Colton. Smith immediately gained the attention of concerned citizens all across America. Hundreds of thousands of letters and checks began pouring in, and relief agencies used Chase's photo on a poster memorializing the disaster.

On May 23, the day the Federal Building was demolished, Edye Smith, in a live interview on CNN, stated, "There's a lot of questions that have been left un-answered. We're being told to keep our mouths shut, not to talk about it, don't ask those questions..."(862)

CNN's Gary Truchmann asked Smith to describe the nature of the questions: "We, along with hundreds of thousands of other people want to know, where was the ATF the morning of April 19th? All of their employees survived. They were supposed to be the target of this explosion and where were they…? Did they have a warning sign? I mean, did they think it might be a bad day to go in the office?(863)

"They had an option to not go to work that day," Smith continued, "and my kids didn't get that option, nobody else in the building got that option. And we're just asking questions, we're not making accusations. We just want to know why and they're telling us, 'Keep your mouth shut, don't talk about it.'"(864)

Truchmann quickly ended the interview.

Kathy Wilburn was the Grandmother of Chase and Colton. Wilburn was among the first to arrive at the scene of the bombing, and she and Smith, who both worked at the nearby I.R.S. office, had witnessed the carnage first-hand. Now, as she watched the building come down, an eerie silence filled her soul. Later that afternoon, Kathy Wilburn walked into the empty room where the little boys had lived, picked up their stuffed animals, and began to cry.

Wilburn's husband Glenn had been a vocal opponent of the government's investigation, and their explanation of the bombing did not sit well with him. The Grandfather felt the loss of the two boys keenly. Wilburn had taken it on his own to investigate the bombing, and the facts he was coming up with did not make him happy.

On the afternoon the building was demolished, Wilburn received a call from U.S. Attorney Patrick Ryan. Ryan wanted to meet with him and speak with the family.

"They wanted to set our minds at ease our minds that there wasn't anything sinister going on," said Wilburn.

Two days later Smith and Wilburn were visited by an entourage of federal agents including Ryan, ATF Agents Chris Cuyler and Luke Franey, an IRS Criminal investigator, and a member of Louis Jolyon West's victim's assistance team.

"They all came in and sat down and said 'We want to answer your questions and make you feel good.' I said 'fine.' Then I looked them right in the eye and said, 'You guys had no indication that April 19th could be a dangerous day down there?' They both answered, 'no sir.'"

"Well, two hours later I tuned on the TV, and CNN is interviewing ATF Director John Magaw. The interview starts out, "Mr. Magaw, based on the significance of April 19th, did you take any precautions?'"

"Clearly there was an interest all over the country to do that," replied Magaw. "And I was very concerned about that. We did some things here in headquarters and in all of our field offices throughout the country to try to be more observant.…"

"Well, if there was ever a point that I was hooked into this thing, and there was nothing that was gonna' stop me," recalls Wilburn, "that was it… because by God, somebody lied that morning."

Ryan's conciliatory meeting with the family did not last long. The federal prosecutor became nervous after Wilburn casually mentioned that he had talked to a family lawyer. Ryan quickly got up and left.

While Edye Smith was quoted as saying that she was "satisfied" the agents had explained their whereabouts, she later told me, "I believe they sat their and lied to us."

Unmarked cars soon began showing up at Glenn Wilburn's house. When Wilburn went out to confront them, they sped off.(865)

Two months later, Edye Smith and Kathy Wilburn had their Workers' Compensation checks cut off. Out of 462 federal employees affected by the blast, they were the only two employees who were mysteriously "denied."


834. * Most noticeably the Tulsa World, which earned the knick-name, The Tulsa Pravda." The Daily Oklahoman has been called the "Daily Joke-la-homan" by locals.

835. ** Levine also graciously represented Representative Key and several investigators, including the author, who had set up a charitable trust to investigate the bombing, for free, and brought Chicken soup to the author when he was sick.

836. Keating told Gary Harper during one of his weekly citizen chat sessions that Key was sleeping with a judge's wife. Keating also unsuccessfully tried to find a political candidate to run against the popular 5-term Representative. As Portland Free Press publisher Ace Hayes writes, "[Keating] is a pure devotee of Imperial State power and his approach is, 'to hell with free speech, free thought or free association.' He will protect the rich by attacking people no matter what fine words he swears an oath to.…"

837. 625. Robby Trammel and Randy Ellis, "Call For Bomb Investigation Debated," Daily Oklahoman, 6/29/95.

838. 626. As we argued when Key first set out on this course, the Legislature and its staff had no business investigating the bombing. It was, and is, poorly equipped to do so. The same can be said of a panel of local citizens who would be asked to investigate one of the most complicated cases ever to come before the courts. Yet as The New American pointed out, state legislatures are regularly tasked on important and sensitive investigations. And the County Grand jury? Is that not "a panel of local citizens," the same as the Federal Grand jury that originally "investigated" the bombing?

839. ** It is interesting to examine the attitudes of the Tulsa World and Daily Oklahoman in light of their sister papers in Nebraska and Arkansas, two other corruption-ridden states. Former Nebraska State Senator John DeCamp investigated a shocking pattern of financial improprieties, child abuse, and murder in his home state. In his book, The Franklin Cover-Up, DeCamp exhorts the media to honestly report the facts. But, as DeCamp notes, "…the World-Herald's long-standing pattern of behavior is just the opposite. If it has an editorial attitude on a story, its news coverage and every other aspect of the newspaper are mustered to accentuate the preferred side of the issue and suppress opposing views.… "Why all this effort? Because, tragically, the people who control the World-Herald appear to have a strong vested interest in suppressing the truth.…" As The Clinton Chronicles notes with regard to Arkansas: "First, the Clintons have very cleverly manipulated and compromised the press in Arkansas, a small state with only one major newspaper, the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette.... Despite revelations of scandal after scandal regarding the Clintons, the Arkansas press has been in a state of denial, portraying most of the revelations as attacks on the people of Arkansas themselves." [John W. DeCamp, The Franklin Cover-up: Child Abuse, Satanism, and Murder in Nebraska (Lincoln, NE: AWT, Inc., 1996), p.95; Patrick Matrisciana, The Clinton Chronicles, (Hemet, CA: Jeremiah Books, 1994), p. 21.]

840. 627. Nolan Clay and Penny Owen, "'Wacky Theories' Unfair, McVeigh Attorney Says," Daily Oklahoman,10/29/96.

841. * Shortly after Key and Wilburn drew up their petition to impanel the grand jury, a bill was introduced in the State Legislature to change the grand jury petitioning process.

842. 628. Mark Sanford, interview with author.

843. 629. Even Palmer admitted that the statutes were limited as to what Judge Owens could do or how he could interpret the law.

844. * The County didn't possess the resources and funds, Palmer replied, to pursue such a big case. Besides, she pleaded, the "investigation" was already "complete," being a "thorough investigation" from "several different federal agencies." Palmer claimed a County Grand Jury would "jeopardize the Federal case." The federal gag order prevents interviewing prospective witnesses, she claimed. Sanford countered that there would be no interference with the federal case as long as they were interviewing witnesses and suspects that federal prosecutors ignored, which seem to be in abundance.

845. 630. Moore, Op Cit., p. 140.

846. 631. District Attorney Bob Macy, interview with author.

847. 632. Rep. Charles Key, interviews with author.

848. 633. Diana Baldwin and Judy Kuhlman, "Court Filings Stop Bombing Testimony of Postal Worker," Daily Oklahoman, 9/9/97.

849. 634. Rita Cosby, FOX News, 4/4/97.

850. 635. Interview with Jayna Davis. Macy's Assistant DAs who handled that case were John Farely and Jane Brown.

851. 636. Daily Oklahoman, 8/14/97.

852. ** "They're coming up with a substitute for proof," said Denver defense attorney Larry Pozner. "They're softening the jury up with emotional testimony about the bombing and McVeigh's politics. They're saying, 'We'll give you every reason in the world to hate Tim McVeigh.'" (Kevin Flynn, "Softening the Jury," Rocky Mountain News, 5/8/97.)

853. 637. "The CIA & The Media," Rolling Stone, 10/20/77, cited in Mark Zepezauer, The CIA's Greatest Hits, 1994.

854. 638. Mark Sanford, interview with author; William Jasper, "OKC Investigator Under Attack, " New American, 6/23/97.

855. 639. Brian Ford, "Fund-Rasing Probed: Jury Looks into Efforts of Rep. Charles Key," Tulsa World, 5/6/97.

856. 640. Jasper, Op Cit.

857. * Just as the letter is a sham masquerading as an honest response from bombing survivors, Drew Edmondson [and Frank Keating] are sub-human pieces of effluvia masquerading as human beings.

858. * Nor the rewards of political office and bribes.

859. 641. Ibid.

860. 642. Brian Ford, "McVeigh Placed at Kansas Store,"Tulsa World, 9/12/97.

861. * Fortunately, the smear tacticians weren't successful at disuading everyone from the truth. In a CNN/USA TODAY/GALLUP poll conducted in April of 1996, 68 percent of those surveyed said they didn't agree that all of the suspects have been captured.

862. * The building was demolished because officials claimed it was an eyesore, an errie reminder of that tragic day. Yet authorities made no effort to remove the charred, twisted, gutted remains of the Athenian Restaurant directly across the street, which to this day still stands as a shocking monument to the brutality of the bombing.

863. * According to a 1988 GAO (General Accounting Office) report, the Federal Building was not a "safe" place to install a day care center. Allegedly based on the 1983 plot by white supremacist Richard Wayne Snell (CSA member and friend of Robert Millar) to bomb the facility, the report concluded that a day care center should not be placed inside the Murrah Building. "No federal law enforcement agents who worked in the building, including the BATF, Secret Service, and the DEA, ever had any of their children in the Murrah's day care center… ever," said Smith.

864. * Smith complained that when she appears on local radio shows, it seems to her that "more people around here now hate me than like me... People that don't want to think that the government would do such a thing."

865. 643. Glenn Wilburn, interview with author.

866. 644. Kathy Wilburn and Edye Smith, interview with author.

867. 645. "Tested by Fire," People magazine, date unknown, quoted in, Gene Wheaton, "Another Bush Boy," Portland Free Press, July 1995. Keating stated, "The leftists I dealt with would never consider themselves patriots, and they had contempt for the government. The right-wing crowd has contempt for the government, and yet see themselves as patriots. It's a curious anomaly, but both of them are very similar."

868. * "Because of my youthful appearance, I did undercover work on the Berkeley campus," Keating said. The assignment dissolved shortly after Keating attended a Black Panther rally. A federal informant who later identified people at the protest took one look at a photo of Keating and muttered, "That's a pig." (Oklahoma Gazette, 9/26/97)

869. * Keating also presided over the federal prison system. His wife, Cathy, is a consultant to U.S. News & World Report, a magazine that often serves as an organ of black propaganda.

870. 646. Gene Wheaton, "Another Bush Boy," Portland Free Press, July 1995.

871. 647. Ace Hayes, letter to author.

872. 648. Deposition of William C. Duncan, copy in author's possession.

873. * Interestingly, Mena/Iran-Contra player Raymond "Buddy" Young, the former Arkansas State Police Captain who told ADFA director Larry Nichols he was a "dead man" if he did not drop his suit against Clinton, was appointed director of FEMA's (Federal Emergency Management Agency) Region IV post by Clinton. FEMA played a significant coordination role in the aftermath of the Oklahoma City bombing. Was Young given the $90,000-a-year job to keep his mouth shut?

874. ** In fact, Wheaton suggested that Keating is being groomed for the 2000 presidential [or vice-presidential] candidacy.

875. The same reason for demolishing the Federal Building was given for demolishing the buildings at Waco: "Safety concerns." Yet the Waco buildings were miles from anywhere. Furthermore, an architect who inspected the Federal Building soon after the bombing said there was no immediate danger. But, according to David Hall, owner of KPOC-TV in Ponca City, Oklahoma, this architect was later "persuaded" to change his opinion.

876. 649. William Jasper, New American, date unknown.

Hoffman's book may be read on-line at or possibly ordered via at (though it is out of print).

By Norman Solomon   /   Creators Syndicate 6/29/00

    George Orwell's birthday passed without notice recently. Born on June 25, 1903, the great English writer has been dead for half a century, but Orwellian language lives on.

    These days we have plenty of good reasons to echo poet W.H. Auden: "Oh, how I wish that Orwell were still alive, so that I could read his comments on contemporary events!"

    Today, in the United States, media coverage of political discourse attests to Orwell's observation that language "becomes ugly and inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes it easier for us to have foolish thoughts."

    News media frequently make things worse. Instead of scrutinizing the blather, reporters are inclined to solemnly relay it -- while adding some of their own.

    The standard jargon of U.S. politics is the type of facile rhetoric that appalled Orwell. This lexicon derives its power from unexamined repetition.

    To carry on Orwell's efforts, we should question the media buzzwords that swarm all around us. For instance:

    *  Centrist:  A term of endearment in elite circles, usually affixed to politicians who don't rock boats, even ones stuck in stagnant waters.

    *  Reform:  This word once described change aimed at removing corruption or privilege. Now the word offers a favorable sheen to any policy shift. A linguistic loophole vague and gaping enough to drive a truck through, whatever the political cargo.

    *  Bipartisan:  An adjective that hails the two major parties for showing great unity and national purpose, usually agreed to behind closed doors, out of view of the riff-raff.

    *  Special interests:  A negative label commonly applied to mass constituencies of millions of people -- seniors, the poor, racial minorities, union members, feminists, gays... Formerly a pejorative to describe monied interests that used dollars -- since they lacked numbers of people -- to influence politics.

    *  Sources say:  Leaks from on high, served up as journalistic champagne.

    *  Experts:  Oft-cited and carefully selected, they supply fertilizer for the next harvests of popular credulity.

    *  Defense budget:  Having precious little to do with actual defense of the country, these expenditures require the most innocent of names.

    *  Senior U.S. officials:  Unnamed, they are larger than life. In another culture they might be called "messengers of God."

    *  Rule of law:  What occurs when those who made the rules lay down the law, sometimes violently, overseas or at home.

    *  National security:  An ever-ready rationale for just about any diplomatic or military maneuver... or any suppression of incriminating information.

    *  Stability in the region:  Can be a tidy phrase to justify the continuation of existing horrors.

    *  Western diplomats:  These bastions of patience and wisdom provide the compass for navigating in foreign geopolitical waters.

    *  The West:  Often used as a synonym for global forces of good.

    George Orwell wrote his last novel, "1984," in the late 1940s -- around the time the U.S. "War Department" became the "Defense Department." Orwell's novel anticipated that "the special function of certain Newspeak words" would be "not so much to express meanings as to destroy them."

    The repetition of such words and phrases is never-ending. Like a constant drip on a stone, the cumulative effects are enormous.

    Language, dialogue and debate are essential tools for a democratic process. But when words are wielded as blunt instruments, they bludgeon our minds rather than enhancing them.

    The inflated shadow cast by words has grown in recent decades, but it is not new. "Identification of word with thing," Stuart Chase noted in 1938, "is well illustrated in the child's remark 'Pigs are rightly named, since they are such dirty animals.'"

    Words and phrases, never better than imprecise symbols, come to dominate the conceptual scenery -- maps that are confused with the land itself. All too often, familiar words are used to label ideas and events instead of exploring them.

    And over the years, evasive and euphemistic language -- from "pacification programs" in Vietnam to "collateral damage" (killed civilians) in Iraq --has served as camouflage for inhuman policies.

    George Orwell died young, succumbing to tuberculosis in 1950. But his acuity can be brought to life, to the extent that we probe beneath all the facile words and search out the realities they so often obscure.


Norman Solomon's book "The Habits of Highly Deceptive Media" won the 1999
George Orwell Award for Distinguished Contribution to Honesty and Clarity
in Public Language, presented by the National Council of Teachers of English.

For a Generous Donor and Bush, the Support Is a Two-Way Street


The Associated Press

Kenneth L. Lay, chairman of the Enron Corporation, has been a major campaign contributor to Gov. George W. Bush and has often been able to count on his support. At a Houston Astros game in April, Mr. Lay visited with former President Bush and Governor Bush, foreground.


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DALLAS, June 29 -- In October 1997, George W. Bush placed a call to his friend Tom Ridge, the Republican governor of Pennsylvania, to vouch for the Enron Corporation, the giant Houston energy and trading company that, at the time, was battling to sell electricity in Pennsylvania.

Mr. Bush made the call at the request of Kenneth L. Lay, the chairman and chief executive of Enron.

"I called George W. to kind of tell him what was going on," Mr. Lay said. "And I said that it would be very helpful to Enron, which is obviously a large company in the state of Texas, if he could just call the governor and tell him this is a serious company, this is a professional company, a good company."

After a nasty regulatory fight, Enron cracked into Pennsylvania's market. And in the ensuing years, the Texas energy company has seen its influence widen nationally and internationally. Along the way, Enron and its executives have been Mr. Bush's most generous contributors, giving more to his various campaigns -- over $550,000 -- than any other source.

The relationship between Mr. Bush and Mr. Lay is close, and old: the two men got to know each other in the 1980's, when Mr. Lay was a big political supporter of Governor Bush's father, former President George Bush. It is the sort of friendship where the governor takes the time to write a joshing birthday note to Mr. Lay: "One of the sad things about old friends is that they seem to be getting older -- just like you! 55 years old. Wow! That is really old."

Mr. Bush, 53, listens closely to what Mr. Lay, now 58, and others at Enron have to say about important policy matters. As governor, Mr. Bush has been a supporter of the legislative initiatives that have been most important to Enron, including deregulating electric utilities, easing the tax burden on capital-intensive companies, and passing laws meant to curb large jury awards in civil cases. On all of them, Mr. Bush received advice from top Enron executives, sometimes soliciting it.

Many of the issues important to Enron, particularly tort reform, were also important to other Texas businesses. And Governor Bush, a spokesman said, has gone to bat for other companies, too, never making unusual overtures for Enron or pushing for legislation specifically tailored to benefit the company.

In Washington, Enron lobbies on an even wider array of issues, including federal regulation of the nation's electric-power grid (Enron wants rules making it easier to trade and transmit electricity); support for the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, a federal agency that finances and insures many of Enron's overseas projects; free trade around the globe, which helps Enron's far-flung energy businesses; and limiting the regulation of derivatives transactions between private parties, a huge and growing part of Enron's business. Enron lobbies on so many issues in Congress that it takes 26 pages for it to list them all on federal disclosure forms.

Tom Smith, director of the Texas office of Public Citizen, the group founded by Ralph Nader, who is himself a presidential candidate, said: "Enron's investment in the Bush gubernatorial campaigns have paid off in policies beneficial to them. And that's why they're investing so heavily in the presidential campaign."

Aides say it is not unusual for Governor Bush to lend his name to a Texas company's efforts outside the state, as he did for Enron in Pennsylvania. In the past, for example, he has contacted foreign leaders considering whether to buy military aircraft from Texas companies.

Enron officials reject the notion that their donations are meant to influence legislation, and they note that, in aggregate, their most significant legislative opponents, electric utilities, give far more money to federal candidates.

"When I make contributions to a candidate, it is not for some special favor, it's not even for access -- although I'll be the first to admit it probably helps access," Mr. Lay said in an interview at Enron's 50-story headquarters in downtown Houston. "It is because I'm supporting candidates I strongly believe in personally."

Mr. Lay added, "I'm not doing this now because I want to be an ambassador or cabinet officer or want any specific thing done if he gets elected."

He also said Enron does not seek legislation that benefits only the company. "When we go in and lobby for things like Nafta, or like W.T.O. status for China," he said, referring to the World Trade Organization, "or electric deregulation, we're basically doing it because we think it's right."

In the presidential race alone, Enron and its executives have given Mr. Bush about $105,000, making Enron the ninth largest donor to the Bush campaign so far, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. And that does not include the unlimited donations to the Republican Party, known as soft money.

Mr. Lay has donated $326,000 to Republican Party committees over the past three years - including $250,000 in April. (Enron has also contributed soft money to Democrats, and Mr. Lay has golfed with President Clinton). Enron's president, Jeffrey K. Skilling, has donated an additional $50,000 to the Republicans, according to Federal Election Commission records.

Mr. Lay is also one of the "Pioneers," Bush supporters who pledge to collect at least $100,000 in direct contributions. As part of that role, he sent a letter last year to several hundred people, many of them Enron executives, urging them to make the maximum contribution to Mr. Bush's campaign.

"In no way is this a condition of employment or continued employment at Enron," the letter said.

In the following three months, Enron executives kicked in more than $50,000.

Mr. Bush declined to comment for this article. A campaign spokesman, Dan Bartlett, said Mr. Bush and Mr. Lay have been close friends for many years.

"The fact that he heads this company is secondary to their personal relationship," Mr. Bartlett said. "One issue that you could say that Enron has played a key role in shaping the debate is deregulation. Governor Bush does share in their philosophy of competition in the marketplace."

Under the direction of Mr. Lay, the son of a preacher and farm-machinery salesman from Missouri, Enron is now widely regarded as one of the toughest and most innovative companies in the nation. It is a fearsome competitor in the huge market for the trading of electricity, energy commodities and derivatives contracts linked to energy prices -- a business that it helped create.

In addition, Enron, with $40.1 billion in sales last year, builds and operates power plants around the world, including in Poland and Turkey.

Enron still runs the second-largest natural gas pipeline network in the United States. And it dazzled Wall Street in January when it unveiled its latest venture, the trading of bandwidth needed for high-speed data communications.

Enron officials say some of the company's foreign projects may not be insurable without the backing of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, which limits risk to United States companies investing abroad. O.P.I.C. provided financing or insurance coverage worth almost $300 million for Enron's foreign projects just last year, according to government records.

Enron officials have in the past asked Mr. Bush to help lobby lawmakers to appropriate funds for O.P.I.C., as well as for the Export-Import Bank, another federal agency that aids American companies abroad.

In one such letter, obtained by The New York Times under Texas open records laws, Mr. Lay asked Mr. Bush in March 1997 to contact every member of the Texas delegation to explain how "these export credit agencies of the United States are critical to U. S. developers like Enron, who are pursuing international projects in developing countries."

Mr. Lay's request was to be "handled" by the state-federal relations office, a lobbying office the state of Texas maintains in Washington, according to a note written on the letter by a Bush staffer. But according to Mr. Bartlett, the Bush spokesman, Bush officials have not lobbied on behalf of either agency.

In Washington, the most important issue to Enron is legislation that would require the nation's electric grid to transmit power in a more uniform and free-flowing manner, perhaps by giving the federal government more control over transmission lines.

In Texas, Mr. Bush has always been an advocate of electric utility deregulation, but his support did not always fall Enron's way. Late in the 1997 legislative session, after Mr. Bush's attempts at sweeping tax reform failed, he tried to push through a last-minute deregulation bill. To succeed, the bill needed support from the state's big utilities, but Enron officials felt the bill was weighted so far in favor of the utilities that they could not endorse it. The bill ultimately failed. In 1999, Texas lawmakers passed a deregulation bill that Mr. Lay said is probably the best in the nation.

As part of a group of large energy and manufacturing companies, Enron lobbied during the 1997 Texas legislative session for lower property taxes. Before the session began, Mr. Bush appointed a 17-member committee to study the issue, including Richard Kinder, who was then Enron's president, on the panel. The proposal Mr. Bush introduced would have resulted in $9 million in annual tax savings to Enron. But the Bush plan had little legislative support, and it soon died.

Enron has also sought Mr. Bush's help on narrower issues. In November 1998, the chairman of Enron Oil & Gas, which at the time was majority-owned by Enron but is now a separate public company called EOG Resources, complained to Mr. Bush that the state comptroller was improperly assessing the company about $415,000 in crude-oil production taxes. The chairman, Forrest E. Hoglund, who has also been a Bush donor and who has since retired, wrote to Mr. Bush: "We need to have this handled before there is a big industry backlash. Sorry to bother you with it."

The case is still pending, according to officials at the Comptroller's Office. Mr. Bartlett, the Bush spokesman, said the Enron Oil and Gas complaint, and similar letters from four other companies, had been routed to Albert Hawkins, Mr. Bush's budget director. One of Mr. Hawkins' staffers called the Comptroller's Office to inquire about its methodology, but did not suggest rescinding or easing the action against Enron Oil and Gas, Mr. Bartlett said.

Long before Mr. Bush's inauguration in 1995, Enron had built relationships with both the Bush family and officials from the Bush administration. In addition to Mr. Lay being a big fund-raiser and supporter of the former president, Enron and its affiliates later hired a number of high-level Bush officials, including former Secretary of State James Baker 3d and former Commerce Secretary Robert Mosbacher.

Governor Bush has even been accused of working on Enron's behalf. Rodolfo Terragno, a senior Argentine official, has told several publications that in 1988, he received a call from Mr. Bush asking him to award a pipeline contract to Enron.

Mr. Terragno, who is currently the Argentine cabinet chief, declined requests for an interview. But in a statement sent by e-mail, he said he now is not sure if the call came from Governor Bush or from one of his brothers, Neil Bush. Bush officials say no one from the family ever lobbied for Enron or spoke to Mr. Terragno about the project.

Says Mr. Lay, "No member of the Bush family has ever been on the Enron payroll." 

Ottawa researchers find virus that kills cancer cells

OTTAWA (CP) _ A benign virus that causes mild flu-like symptoms in humans is deadly to cancer cells in lab tests, a team of Ottawa-based researchers has found.

The researchers from the University of Ottawa and the Ottawa Regional Cancer Centre found the virus destroyed a wide variety of cancer cells, including melanoma, lung, colon and breast cancers. "We found that every tumour cell that we infected was completely blown away by this virus very quickly, whereas normal cells were quite resistant to the virus," said researcher Dr. John Bell.

The university has applied for a patent on therapy using the discovery. In concert with an American biotechnology firm, the university hopes to begin clinical trials on cancer patients within 18 months.

The research into the vesicular stomatitis virus, or VSV, is published in the July 1 issue of Nature Medicine, a British medical journal.

Bell and his team found that a genetic defect that makes a cell cancerous also leaves it vulnerable to invasion by the virus.

The tests were done on mice that had been infected with human cancer cells.

The National Cancer Institute of Canada called the findings "potentially very important" and said it was anxious to evaluate the findings.

Bell said he doesn't known if the therapy will be effective in treating humans.

"This paper is just a description of our studies right now in mice and we are excited about it and want to go on to humans, but that's the next step."

© The Canadian Press, 2000

Israel plans to act against money laundering
By Judy Dempsey © 2000  in Jerusalem, Financial Times, London
Published: June 29 2000 18:31GMT | Last Updated: June 29 2000 23:16GMT

Legislators are putting the final touches to a draft law that could stop Israel from providing a safe haven for money laundering in drugs, diamonds, prostitution and intellectual property rights.

The bill, which will be presented to the Knesset (parliament) for its final reading next week, coincides with a report by the Financial Action Task Force. The taskforce last week named Israel among several countries that were not co-operating with international efforts to combat money laundering.

Stuart Eizenstat, US deputy treasury secretary, who was in Israel this week, said cracking down on money laundering required more transparency in the financial system and would help provide "a more inviting environment" for foreign investment. Once the law was passed, Mr Eizenstat said, the US would lobby the taskforce to remove Israel from its list of non-compliant countries. "I hope we can get the bill on the statute books by the end of this legislative period," said Tzippi Livni, head of the justice sub-committe which drew up the bill.

The law will for the first time make money laundering a criminal offence, giving powers to the justice ministry to impose heavy fines and prison sentences of up to 10 years for anyone charged with using property as a cover for money laundering.

It will also oblige banks to report to the justice ministry any cash deposits of more than Shk200,000 ($49,000) or unusual currency transactions.

The police authorities said the law was long overdue. "At the moment, we have a wonderful country for money laundering," said Yossi Sedbon, head of the criminal investigation department in the police ministry.

He estimated Israel's money laundering industry, which also involved gambling, fraud and stolen property, was worth "billions of dollars". Theft of intellectual property - which independently has been a bone of contention between Israel and the US - amounted to an annual $100m.

Besides the absence of legislation, Mr Sedbon said Israel was an attractive place for money launderers because of the ease for Jews in acquiring an Israeli passport. Under the Law of Return, any Jew can claim Israeli nationality and a passport. "In many cases, with such a passport you don't need visas to travel abroad." In addition, Israel makes it very difficult for other countries to extradite Israeli citizens.

Support for the legislation has not been unanimous. Some of the banks fear they could lose clients, while others are cautious about more transparency. "As a concept, we welcome the legislation," said Freddy Wieder, head of Israel's Association of Banks. "What concerned me was striking a balance between the legitimate needs of society, such as protecting the privacy of the citizen, and fighting black money."

However, the Bank of Israel, the central bank, has been acutely sensitive to black money entering the banking sector.

It blocked attempts by several Russian businessmen to establish banks in Israel during the 1990s, suspecting they might be conduits for money laundering.

World Bank grapples with globalisation
By Alan Beattie © 2000, Economics Correspondent, in London, Financial Times
Published: June 29 2000 23:08GMT | Last Updated: June 30 2000 07:31GMT

Behind the intricate language of academic economics at the World Bank's development conference in Paris this week lay a determined battle over the intellectual agenda.

Since the previous year's meeting, the stakes have been raised. The failure of the World Trade Organisation talks in Seattle and the protests that besieged the bank's meetings in Washington showed how the globalisation agenda of free trade and market liberalism is the subject of deep suspicion.

The sidelines of the conference were buzzing with gossip about the recent resignation from the World Bank of Ravi Kanbur, the author of its annual World Development Report.

James Wolfensohn, the World Bank's president, insisted that the final report would differ little from Mr Kanbur's original draft. But many saw the resignation as an important victory for orthodox free-trade and growth-based solutions within the economics profession.

Speakers from the orthodox side of the debate suggested the argument was over. "There is probably a greater consensus today on what works and what doesn't," said Tim Geithner, the international under-secretary from the US treasury. "There is no serious challenge to the proposition that growth is central to development."

Sceptics insisted that central questions remained unanswered. Joe Stiglitz, the outspoken former chief economist at the World Bank, said globalisation was not a win-win project. Hard choices and trade-offs between winners and losers remained.

He said countries should reject funding programmes that would damage social cohesion even if they promote growth.

He spelled out what was at stake: "Development policy over the next decade will reflect the thinking we see today."

Privately, some protagonists admit there is less difference in principle between them than may appear. Most seem to want to end up with global free trade where markets are allowed to work.

But the World Bank lacks the leverage to make this happen. Mike Moore, the head of the WTO, has warned that the window of opportunity for a new round of trade talks is narrowing. All the World Bank can do, apart from fostering dialogue, is urge its debtor countries to liberalise markets and trade unilaterally, and here the controversy is much greater.

Mr Geithner told delegates there was "no economic case" for developing countries to maintain high tariffs because of residual trade barriers in western countries. Technically, the economic case behind Mr Geithner's argument is not clear-cut, and depends on exactly how competitive markets are.

But the proponents of globalisation seem terrified of admitting any qualifications to their case that might allow wholesale protectionism to regain the intellectual upper hand.

Similarly, sceptics such as Martin Khor of the Third World Network - a grouping of aid agencies - appear to regard all talk of the importance of good governance and non-market institutions as no more than a figleaf for the World Bank to impose its usual free-market solutions on countries.

It was left to Amartya Sen, the eminent development economist, to note the danger of such ideological divides.

He pointed to the recent experience of liberalisation in India. "The state was doing things it wasn't very good at, namely running industries by issuing licences, and not doing things it would be expected to do, namely providing good schools, health care and land reform," he said.

But in practice, he said, the state largely withdrew from the first without taking responsibility for the second.

Professor Sen's example provides a warning. The current atmosphere of mutual suspicion may not be the best for fostering sound policies that command a long-lasting consensus.

Chronology, Ten Years of Post-Cold War Espionage

MOSCOW, Jun 27, 2000 -- (Reuters) Russia's FSB security service said on Monday it had detained a Lithuanian citizen on charges of hacking into its computers to spy for the United States.

Ten years after the end of the Cold War, allegations of spying between Russia and the West remain common. Russia says it is catching more spies now than in the darkest days of East-West confrontation.

Following are some notable incidents in the last decade:

1991-1992 - Norway expels nine Russian diplomats, the Netherlands and Belgium each expel four and Denmark expels one in a series of spying allegations.

1993 - Australia expels six Russian diplomats in a spy scandal. Poland expels a Russian diplomat and Moscow responds by expelling a Polish diplomat.

Feb 1994 - The United States expels a Russian diplomat in retaliation for alleged payments by Moscow to a spy at the CIA.

April 1994 - Britain throws out a Russian diplomat in response to Moscow's expulsion of a man described as the head of Britain's intelligence service in Russia.

Jan 1996 - Switzerland expels a Russian diplomat from Moscow's United Nations mission in Geneva.

1996 - Moscow expels nine British diplomats it says are running a spy ring. Britain responds by expelling four Russians.

Nov-Dec 1997 - American technician Richard Bliss is held for a month on spying charges before being allowed home for Christmas. Bliss works for an U.S. firm using a satellite survey system to install mobile telephone equipment in the Russian town Rostov-on-Don. The U.S. calls the case groundless.

Jan, 1998 - Domestic security boss Nikolai Kovalyov says Russia is catching more spies than at any time since World War Two. The Kremlin also says foreign spying is on the rise.

March, 1998 - Norway expels two Russian diplomats and bars three more from entering after accusing them of trying to recruit spies. Moscow responds by expelling two Norwegians.

In the same month, a Russian military court jails a former major in the Strategic Nuclear Forces for 12 years for passing secrets to the United States. Another court sentences a military officer to three years for spying for Israel.

July, 1998 - Russia expels South Korean diplomat Cho Sung-woo after accusing him of receiving secrets. Seoul responds by expelling a Russian diplomat. South Korean Foreign Minister Park Chung-soo resigns over the affair.

Aug, 1998 - Russia accuses Israel of harboring a spy ring at its Moscow embassy.

Oct 13, 1998 - Retired U.S. army intelligence analyst David Sheldon Boone is arrested at a Washington hotel and charged with selling secrets to Moscow after being lured by an FBI officer posing as a Russian agent.

July, 1999 - Russia expels a U.S. diplomat amid hints the case involved spying allegations. The Washington Times reports that U.S. ambassador James Collins asked Russian officials to quietly cut back their spying efforts in the United States.

Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin admits he discussed spying allegations at a meeting with U.S. Vice President Al Gore.

Nov 18, 1999 - Russia's FSB domestic security service charges Igor Sutyagin, a nuclear specialist at Moscow's prestigious USA and Canada Institute, with high treason, a catch-all that covers spying.

Nov 29, 1999 - U.S. military officials say they have charged U.S. Navy code breaker Daniel King with selling data to Moscow.

Nov 30, 1999 - Russian security officials say they have caught Cheri Leberknight, a second secretary in the political section of the U.S. embassy, in the act of spying.

Dec 8, 1999 - The United States orders the expulsion of a Russian diplomat, saying it caught him monitoring a listening device planted in a State Department conference room.

Jan 20, 2000 - Poland, Russia's former Warsaw Pact ally, expels nine Russian diplomats for alleged spying. Moscow responds a day later by ordering nine Polish diplomats to leave.

March 15, 2000 - The FSB says it has detained a Russian citizen on charges of spying for Britain with the help of security police from the Baltic state of Estonia.

April 5, 2000 - The FSB detains a retired U.S. navy intelligence officer, Edmond Pope, and a Russian accomplice for suspected espionage.

June 14, 2000 - U.S. authorities arrest retired Army Colonel George Trofimoff for spying. He is the highest ranking military officer to be charged with espionage.

June 26, 2000 - The FSB says it has detained a Lithuanian on charges that he spied for the United States.

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