ARCHIVE 7/24/00 TO 7/29/00:
PAGE CONTENTS ( Click on topics to go to articles):
Click. THE DICK CHENEY DEEP DATA DUMP!
Click. RENO AND THE FBI PLAY THE "CHILD CARD" TO GAIN PUBLIC TRUST AS THEY STRIP AWAY CIVIL RIGHTS WITH CARNIVORE AND ECHELON.
Click. NOTES FROM THE WATERFRONT. CIA AND ORGANIZED CRIME FRONTS DURING THE IRAN-CONTRA ERA AND CONTINUING....
Click. The Covert War Against Rock and Roll.
Click. THE NEBRASKA CONNECTION -- AN EXPLOSIVE IMBROGLIO SHARED BY DICK CHENEY AND THE BUSH FAMILY
Click. The San Francisco Mafia.
RENO AND THE FBI PLAY THE "CHILD CARD" TO GAIN PUBLIC TRUST AS THEY STRIP AWAY CIVIL RIGHTS WITH CARNIVORE AND ECHELON.
by Kathryn Joanne Dixon (Reprint folks!)
RENO AND THE FBI KNOW WHERE MOST OF THE KIDDIE PORN IS LOCATED. IT'S ENCRYPTED ON USENET, i.e. ON NEWSGROUPS -- YET THEY WON'T PROSECUTE EVEN ONE USENET CASE!
The FBI and Janet Reno, head of the Department of Justice (DOJ), justify their use of CARNIVORE and ECHELON by stating that these draconian data-gathering devices, which violate privacy and the 4th Amendment guarantee against illegal search and seizure, will be used to prosecute child molesters and child pornographers. In fact, Reno and the FBI are protecting known child molesters and pornographers by failing to prosecute them.
The FBI knows where most child porn is located. It is on-line. Most of it isn’t on the Web per se. It’s located on UseNet. To download binaries from UseNet about child porn means a jail sentence. However, it is not illegal to check out the titles or headers of the binaries, which leave little to the imagination. Most of the child porn is located on Newsgroups such as alt.binaries plus pornographic words (these addresses will not be published here, but they are all over the net, and merely scanning their titles is not a crime.). The average user does not access these newsgroups unless he/she has the will to do so, and gets into the group that controls the relevant encryption.
The FBI can't stop child pornography by using Carnivore to intercept email, because most pedophiles online communicate not by e-mail but by posting PGP'd (encrypted) private messages to these news groups or to alt.anonymous messages. Since so many binaries are posted there, the content of which can be gleaned from accompanying text posted as follow-up commentary by its viewers, it is obvious that the FBI isn't working overtime investigating these pedophiles.
Are the pedophiles and child pornographers posting to UseNet so smart they are beating the FBI tech geniuses? Does the FBI have a computer expert on board who can crack a UseNet child pornography communication? Could it be that the FBI doesn't care about controlling the porn and pedophile rings, but rather cares about controlling people are are not involved in these activities? Why?
Recently, FBI agents have been play-acting that they are little girls as they attempt to obtain dates with pedophiles on chat rooms. When a date is procured the G-Men, rip off their high heels, take off their wigs, and rush to the scene and heroically arrest the perpetrators usually at airports or on park benches. Some of these cases have been thrown out of court because of the entrapment defense. These FBI dating cases have resulted in very few convictions and have been used to target a Disney executive and a White House security employee. Could some of these FBI date-cases be politically motivated?
Reno, the DOJ and the FBI play the "child card" every step of the way, as they erode Americans' civil rights.
At Waco, the FBI used an affidavit to support its federal search warrant that contained allegations of child abuse within the WACO compound, even though those allegations were irrelevant because Texas state law applied to local child abuses cases in Waco. Reno and the FBI played "the child" card. The raid commenced, in part, because of the child abuse allegations. Child abuse allegations were later used to justify the tragic raid and fire to the public. Yet, the ATF and FBI had no jurisdiction over child abuse within the Davidian compound.
In Europe, when child pornographers are arrested, their caches of pornography are analyzed to attempt to identify children depicted in the pornography. Pictures of the faces of the child victims are made public, so that people can attempt to identify them. In America, the faces of children found in caches of pornography are never made public by the FBI so that people can attempt to identify these victims. Why? Who is the FBI protecting and why?
The DOJ and FBI will play the "child card" again and again as they attempt to justify Carnivore and Echelon and the increased number of search warrants served on internet users. Don't kid yourself! The DOJ and FBI couldn't give a damn for abused children or for arresting child molesters. The DOJ and FBI just want to control as many people as they can by whatever means they can, to help the criminals they enrich by using their discretion not to investigate and prosecute them. Thus, the FBI and the DOJ have provided a "safe haven" for pedophiles on UseNet.
In the meantime, kiddie porn on UseNet and the Newsgroups floods the world, and every few minutes someone's little child is going to be raped, kidnapped, tortured or snuffed to create the lucrative porn pictures.
Too bad so many federal and local judges, U.S. attorneys and district attorneys are involved in kiddie pornography and molestation! Their names are very very well known to the public, despite their fantasies of secrecy. They have corrupted American society. It is well known at this time that if a person seeks a favorable judicial decision he/she must contact the local pedophile blackmailer, who will, in turn, contact the judge, who will defy law and logic as his blackmailer dictates his decision for him. This is why so many judicial decisions are stupid, nonsensical and are constantly reversed, then remanded, and then simply put in place again by the original judge who was overturned. The price for these judicial services is currently in excess of $1 Million cash in San Francisco, Oakland and Pleasanton, California. But the price is cheap for litigants contesting matters involving billions of dollars or personal freedom. A simple investigation of the UseNet cases would lead to the top perpetrators of this racket and their billion dollar river of gold. Some children could be rescued.
CIA AND ORGANIZED CRIME FRONTS DURING THE IRAN-CONTRA ERA AND CONTINUING....
The following CIA-related ("secret government") and organized crime fronts were plying San Francisco Bay waters and substantially controlled the docks during the Iran-Contra era. Were these fronts ever dismantled? They weren't prosecuted by local or federal authorities. Are they in place today? The names have deftly changed, but the players remain the same. The FBI in San Francisco, headed by US Attorney Mueller, a Bush factotum, has yet to prosecute any mob activity in Northern California. Mueller continues the tradition of former U.S. attorneys Joseph Russoniello (Rudi Guiliani's college roommate) and Michael Yamaguchi. Federal and State judges and local D.A.s take their cue from the local DOJ and FBI who all grease the way for drug, money laundering, kiddie porn and blackmail operations throughout the Bay Area. If anyone litigates against this low cabal or takes them on in any way, the low cabal arrogantly believes it can "destroy" that person or family. Such delusional and grandiose thinking is barely masked by the sickened faces of these federal and local judges and district attorneys who are so blackmailed by their pervert handlers that they dance for them like marionettes. And then there's the Bohemian Club, which is meeting this August near Santa Rosa, California....
1. Buttes Gas & Oil was headed by Kermit Roosevelt, Chairman of the Board (deceased 7/00), who led the coup installing the Shah in Iran. Buttes operated barges, tankers, and offshore rigs, headquartered in Oakland, CA. Buttes also operated citrus and other farms in Fresno and Napa counties. John Boreta was the President of Buttes. In other operations, Roosevelt was a partner with John B. Anderson in the ownership of 100,000 acres of land in Gila Bend, Arizona during the Iran-Contra period. Anderson in turn served as a front for Moe Shenker in the Nevada Dunes Resorts & Casino operations from 1983 and through its take-down of Eureka Federal Savings and Loan in the late 1980's, defaulting on $60 million in loans.
2. Cargill conducted significant business via Leslie Salt using barges and docks on the West Coast and Hawaii, and extended its reach internationally. Cargill operated in Sonoma County, Napa County, Alameda County, Contra Costa County and almost reached to San Jose. Cargill's Fresno operations were forfeited.
3. Dillingham, in a managerial role, operated barges, ocean and port tugs and docks via Basalt & other subsidiaries. Dillingham's operations extended to Hawaii and all west coast ports. In Honolulu, Dillingham provided rent free offices to the Bishop, Baldwin group, and operated as a "successor" to Nugan Hand which had associations in Napa through the Dickinson law firm which representing Gene Trefethen of Kaiser. Dillingham was acquired by KKR and its true ownership is obscure after February 1983.
4. Kaiser which has aluminum, marine and engineering divisions in Oakland, is connected to Gene Trefethen. Kaiser operated barges, pipe, steel and aluminum works and conducted engineering projects in Oakland. In Napa, James Magetti was an associate of Kongsgaard and the Dickenson law firm. Magetti was the President of Kaiser Aluminum and served on the board of Napa Valley Bank throughout the Iran-Contra era.
5. The Pacific Far East Lines, owned by Joseph Alioto, Senior, now deceased, operated ocean freighters docking at all west coast ports, Hawaii and throughout the world. Attorney Keker "prosecuted" key Iran Contra figures and failed. Keker held back important information about the Iran Contra operations in the Bay Area, and kept vital information from Independent counsel Walsh. Willie Brown subsequently appointed Keker as the San Francisco Police Commissioner. When Keker and two of his cronies rejected a FBI Strike Force Request in approximately 1997, Keker suddenly resigned.
6. Lazio Fish, in its 1978 union with Mitsui (Yakuza), worked in ocean fishing, and bought up nearly all west coast canneries from L.A. to Alaska, plus Hawaii. Also Alioto through the International Fish Company, also worked as a front with Tom Lazio Fish Company to exert mob related controls over San Francisco's Fisherman's Wharf. Joe Alioto, Sr. co-owned International Fish Company since the 1930s with S.F. crime bosses Francesco and Joseph Lanza.
7. Bank of American and BCCI engaged in the movement of money to support the crime syndicate and Iran Contra money/drug flow through tentacles in the Napa Valley Bank, Napa National Bank, and First Republic Thrift & Loan in Napa County. These banks set up huge money laundering mills into Napa County which included high end real estate and businesses (wineries).
All of the above-named business entities have various shells and subsidiaries, some with unrelated names which are retained despite later acquisitions. Almost all of the these entities have Canadian, Alaskan, Hawaiian subsidiaries and operate internationally.
8. H. William Harlan. Utilizing Pacific Union, Harlan engaged in money laundering through San Francisco development projects during and after San Francisco Mayor Alioto's administration.
9. The Fly Boys. President George H. W. Bush's "trainer" for skydiving, was Gary Carter. In the early 1980s, Carter held world records, worked in St. Helena and trained in Pope Valley.
10. The HUD Methamphetamine connections: Ed Keith of Napa, Contra Costa and San Mateo was integral to this operation. In approximately 1993, a Japan Airlines pilot training center opened which was a transport network for drugs in the Asian market. Almost all HUD deals in Napa and Sonoma Counties were scams. Legitimate investors in apartments were foreclosed by HUD for no reason. Such properties fell into the hands of people like Ed Keith, who used Canadian banks to take out HUD financing. HUD was not repaid for these loans and Keith received the loan proceeds, and purchased more and more properties. Keith was closely associated with Gulate who is connected to Brovelli, Magetti, Altamura and the Dickinson law firm.
THE NEBRASKA CONNECTION--AN EXPLOSIVE IMBROGLIO SHARED BY DICK CHENEY AND THE BUSH FAMILY. by Linda Minor © 2000
What is the Nebraska connection to George W. Bush's selection of Dick Cheney as his running mate? It's intriguing that Cheney was born in Lincoln, Nebraska in 1941, then went to Yale for a time, and now he sits on the board of directors of Union Pacific (UP) Railroad, which is based in Omaha. Keep in mind that since the turn of the last century the UP Railroad was controlled by the Harriman family, the employers of George Bush's maternal grandfather and his father.
It was George Herbert Walker who left St. Louis, where he had his own investment bank--G.H. Walker & Co., involved in the financing of railroads and the companies owned by those railroads--to relocate to set up Averell and Bunny Harriman's investment bank. The two Yalie friends of Walker's (actually Skull and Bones friends) were the sons of E.H. Harriman, the old railroad tycoon. To assist the Harriman family in running the Union Pacific, they had a lawyer from Texas name Robert Scott Lovett, who for years ran the railroad. Robert S. Lovett's son was Robert A. Lovett, a partner at Brown Brothers Harriman, who was actually married to the daughter of one of one of the "Brown Brothers.
Who, really, operates "Brown Brothers"? Although it has not yet been proven that Brown & Root was connected to the Brown Brothers firm, it is known that the founders of that industrial construction company, George and Herman Brown, who were born in Belton, Texas, were sons of a traveling banker in central Texas, who with his brother in Austin were engaged in making loans under the name of
Brown Brothers bank in Austin prior to 1900. According to birth records, George and Herman's father came to Texas from Baltimore, Md. which was also the location of the original bank called Brown Brothers. If the connection exists, then it may be no accident Cheney was selected for the boards he sits on, as Union Pacific and Halliburton each have a block of shareholders connected to the Bush family.
The following are relevant excerpts from John DeCamp's book, The Franklin Cover-up," p. 146:
"Donations to Franklin through the Union Pacific Foundation made the Union Pacific Railroad one of Larry King's biggest corporate backers. Union Pacific Chairman John Kenefick, deposited funds at Franklin."
According to reports out of Omaha's homosexual community, the old Harriman family railroad overlaps other areas with King. 'The company is well-known for two things at the top: homosexuality and freemasonry,' said one knowledgeable person.
"Is there a tradition or obligation of homosexuality among top Union Pacific executives?
"The Legislature's Franklin committee heard testimony from a former Franklin employee, implicating two Union Pacific executives in the recruitment of 'young kids for Larry King's friends.' Robert Andresen, the pedophile whose brutality was so heavy-handed that even the Douglas County jury mentioned (but did not indict) him, worked for Union Pacific.
"So did the foreman of the grand jury! The Douglas County panel was headed by citizen Michael Flanagan, an employee of Union Pacific Railroad for 27 years. Given that Union Pacific personnel were implicated in the matters under consideration, there would have been a conflict of interest for any UP employee sitting on the grand jury. In the case of Flanagan, there was more to it than that.
"In the summer of 1990, while the Douglas County grand jury was sitting, I received a call from a person who identified himself as an executive at Union Pacific headquarters in Omaha. He declined to give his name, saying, 'I am too old to start over. I have too much vested in a good salary, position and pension. But I do not feel I can sit idly by.' ...
My caller's carefully chosen words quickly dispelled the notion that he meant insignificant incidents, and led me to ask, 'Are you talking about the head of Union Pacific, Mr. Walsh?" While the information he provided satisfied me that my concern about Walsh might well be valid, the caller made it clear that this was not the immediate point of his contacting me.
"What he had to say, was that the foreman of the grand jury had committed impropriety of such a nature and degree, that Union Pacific had to reach a private financial settlement to protect him.
"'I believe if you will check out a former very young male Union Pacific employee named Pike,' said my caller, "you will discover that Mr. Flanagan made improper sexual advances upon him, and he complained to Union Pacific officials. A financial settlement was reached by Union Pacific and the young male individual was paid a substantial sum of money by Union Pacific to keep quiet, go about his business, and find other employment."
DeCamp's investigation proved the information to be accurate, and he used it in his court pleadings, stating that Union Pacific was directing the grand jury in the Larry King case.
Franklin Credit Union's financial and corporate ties
According to John DeCamp, FirsTier Bank "was the bank Larry King's pilfered $40 million passed through, without anybody batting an eye." In 1987-88, at the time of the Franklin Credit Union scandal was revealed, there were two men serving on the board of FirsTier Financial, Inc. who were also directors of a company called Valmont Industries--Robert H. Daugherty and William F. Welsh II.
Note below that Thomas F. Madison is also on the board of US West Communications --a board on which Cheney sits. Also interesting is the fact that Lloyd P. Johnson serves on the board of Cargill and Norwest. Charles M. Harper is on the ConAgra board, as is Walter Scott, Jr., who also serves on the board of Berkshire Hathaway and Burlington Resources. A recent makeup of Valmont's board is shown below. [Click. Note 1]
Burlington Resources is a company affiliated with the Burlington Railroad, formerly the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe in St. Louis. The Bush and Walker families have been closely connected to this company. Walter Scott, Jr. was on the FirsTier board in 1987 and has been on Valmont since 198, as well as on Burlington Resources and other boards. [Click. Note 2] He currently is on the board of Mid American Energy, sitting alongside a man with a fascinating resume, named Sir Neville G. Trotter, JP., DL., FCA, FRAeS, 67. [Click. Note 3]
Another thing that stands out is the obvious connection between the FirsTier Financial and Peter Kiewit Sons, Inc. The latter company controls the Kiewit Royalty Trust, which was created under a Trust Indenture dated May 17, 1982 by Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc., a Delaware corporation to provide "an efficient, orderly and practical means for the administration of income received from certain royalty and overriding royalty interests in certain coal leases." The Trust has no active plan of business operation and was set up to distribute income to holders of Units. (The trustee of the Trust is First Bank, National Association ("Trustee"), Omaha, Nebraska, which is a wholly owned subsidiary of First Bank System, Inc., a registered bank holding company. First Bank, National Association is a successor to FirsTier Bank N.A. Omaha, as a result of the merger of FirsTier Financial Inc., the parent holding company of the former trustee, with and into First Bank System, Inc.
FirsTier was also closely tied to California Energy and Magma Power Co. (a Nevada corporation). In a 1995 proxy statement for MAGMA POWER COMPANY, 4365 Executive Drive, Suite 900, San Diego, California 92121 a meeting to be held in Omaha, Nebraska, was announced by chairman David Sokol at which Magma stockholders would consider and vote upon a proposal to approve the Agreement and Plan of Merger, dated as of December 5, among Magma, California Energy Company, Inc. ("CECI") and CE Acquisition Company, Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary of CECI ("CE Sub"), pursuant to which CE Sub will be merged with and into Magma (the "Merger"). The statement also contained the following information: Kiewit Energy Company ("Kiewit Energy"), a wholly owned subsidiary of Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc. ("PKS"), is an approximate 43% stockholder (on a fully diluted basis) in CECI.
PKS, a Delaware corporation, is a large employee-owned company which had approximately $2.2 billion in revenues in 1993 from its interests in construction, mining, energy and telecommunications. PKS is one of the largest construction companies in North America and has been in the construction business since 1884. PKS is a joint venture participant in a number of CECI's international private power projects.
The principal executive offices of CECI and CE Sub are located at 10831 Old Mill Road, Omaha, Nebraska 68154 and their telephone number is (402)330-8900. CE Sub is a wholly owned subsidiary of CECI and has not conducted any business except in connection with the Offer. CECI and CE Sub were incorporated in 1971 and 1994, respectively, under the laws of the State of Delaware. The principal executive offices of PKS are located at 1000 Kiewit Plaza, Omaha, Nebraska 68131, and its telephone number is (402) 342-2052. PKS was incorporated in 1941 under the laws of the State of Delaware. The board of directors of Magma are as follows, and the detailed descriptions of their background are set out in the footnote below. [Click. Note 4] The directors include: David L. Sokol 38 Chief Executive Officer, Chairman of the Board of Directors, Director Thomas R. Mason 50 President and Chief Operating Officer Steven A. McArthur 36 Senior Vice President, General Counsel and Secretary Donald M. O'Shei, Sr. 60 Senior Vice President, Asia Division John G. Sylvia 35 Senior Vice President, Chief Financial Officer and Treasurer Gregory E. Abel 32 Vice President, Chief Accounting Officer and Controller Edward F. Bazemore 57 Vice President, Human Resources David W. Cox 38 Vice President, Legislative and Regulatory Affairs Vincent B. Fesmire 53 Vice President, Development and Implementation David P. Maystrick 43 Vice President, Construction Dale R. Schuster 42 Vice President, Administration Edgar D. Aronson 59 Director Judith E. Ayres 49 Director James Q. Crowe 44 Director Richard K. Davidson 52 Director Ben Holt 80 Director Richard R. Jaros 42 Director Everett B. Laybourne 82 Director Herbert L. Oakes, Jr. 47 Director Walter Scott, Jr. 62 Director Barton W. Shackelford 73 Director David E. Wit 32 Director.
Nominees For Election - Terms Expire 1999:
Mogens C. Bay, Age 47, President and Chief Executive Officer of the Company since August 1993 and Director of the Company since October 1993. From November 1990 to August 1993 served as President and Chief Operating Officer of the Irrigation Division of the Company. Served as Director of Company continuously since October 1993. Valmont Stock: 201,932 shares.
John E. Jones, Age 61, Retired Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of CBI Industries, Inc. since January 1996. Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of CBI Industries, Inc. from June 1989 to January 1996. Director, Allied Products Corporation, Amsted Industries Incorporated, Interlake Corporation and NICOR Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since April 1993 Valmont Stock: 5,000 shares.
Walter Scott, Jr., Age 64, Chairman of the Board, President and Director of Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc.; Director, Berkshire Hathaway, Inc., Burlington Resources, Inc., California Energy Company, ConAgra, Inc., C-TEC Corporation, FirsTier Financial, Inc. and MFS Communications Co., Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since April 1981. Valmont Stock: 26,000 shares.
Continuing Directors - Terms Expire 1998:
Charles M. Harper, Age 68, Chairman of the Board and Director of RJR Nabisco Holdings Corp. since May 1993; Chief Executive Officer May 1993 to December 1995. Chairman of the Board and Director of Nabisco Holdings Corp. since January 1995. Chairman of the Board of ConAgra, Inc. 1981 - May 1993, and Chief Executive Officer of ConAgra 1976 - September 1992; Director, ConAgra, Inc., E.I. DuPont de Nemours & Co., Inc., Norwest Corporation and Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since April 1979. Valmont Stock: 38,000 shares.
Lloyd P. Johnson, Age 65, Retired Chairman of Norwest Corporation since May 1995. Chairman of Norwest Corporation from January 1989 to May 1995 and Chief Executive Officer of Norwest Corporation from January 1989 to January 1993. Director, Norwest Corporation, Cargill, Incorporated, Musicland Stores Corporation; Trustee, Minnesota Mutual Life Insurance Company; Member, Advisory Board of Directors, Minnegasco. Served as Director of Company continuously since June 1991. Valmont Stock: 6,000 shares.
Thomas F. Madison, Age 60, President, MLM Partners since January 1993;Vice Chairman and Office of CEO of Minnesota Mutual Life Insurance Company February 1994 - August 1994; President - Markets, U S WEST Communications June 1987 - December 1992; Director, Alexander & Alexander Insurance Advisory Board, Communications Holdings, Inc., Eltrax Systems, Inc., LHS Health Systems, Minnegasco Advisory Board and Span Link. Served as Director of Company continuously since June 1987. Valmont Stock: 12,000 shares.
Continuing Directors - Terms Expire 1997:
Robert B. Daugherty, Age 74, Chairman of the Board and Director of the Company; Director, KN Energy, Inc. and Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since March 1947. Valmont Stock: 3,550,784 shares.
Allen F. Jacobson, Age 69, Retired Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of 3M Company; Director, 3M Company, Abbott Laboratories, Deluxe Corporation, Mobil Corporation, Northern States Power Company, Potlatch Corporation, Prudential Insurance Company of America, Sara Lee Corporation, Silicon Graphics, Inc. and U S WEST Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since July 1976. Valmont Stock: 16,000 shares.
Robert G. Wallace, Age 69, Retired Executive Vice President and Director of Phillips Petroleum Co.; Director, CBI Industries, Inc. and A. Schulman, Inc.
In 1996 the slate of directors of Burlington Resources to be voted on included the following nominees: (Each of the following nominees is a Director of the Company at the present time):
JOHN V. BRYNE --Retired. Age--67. Chairman--Audit Committee. Dr. Byrne has been retired since January 1996. From November 1984 to December 1995, Dr. Byrne was President of Oregon State University. Dr. Byrne has been a Director of the Company since 1988.
S. PARKER GILBERT--Retired. Age--62. Member-- Compensation and Nominating Committee. Mr. Gilbert has been retired since January 1991. Mr. Gilbert has been a Director of the Company since 1990. Mr. Gilbert is also a director of ITT Industries, Inc., Morgan Stanley Group Inc., and Taubman Centers, Inc. Morgan Stanley & Co. Incorporated, a subsidiary of Morgan Stanley Group Inc., acts as a commercial paper dealer for, and provides investment banking and financial advisory services to, the Company and its subsidiaries.
JAMES F. MCDONALD--President and Chief Executive Officer, Scientific-Atlanta, Inc., Norcross, Georgia-- Telecommunications. Age--55. Member--Audit Committee. Since July 1993, Mr. McDonald's principal occupation has been as shown above. From July 1991 until July 1993, Mr. McDonald was a partner with J.H. Whitney & Co. From January 1991 until July 1991, Mr. McDonald was Vice Chairman of the Board of Prime Computer, Inc. Mr. McDonald has been a Director of the Company since 1988. Mr. McDonald is also a director of Scientific-Atlanta, Inc.
THOMAS H. O'LEARY --Chairman of the Board, Burlington Resources Inc., Houston, Texas. Age--61. Since December 1995, Mr. O'Leary's principal occupation has been as shown above. From February 1993 to December 1995, Mr. O'Leary was Chairman of the Board, President and Chief Executive Officer of Burlington Resources Inc. From July 1992 to February 1993, Mr. O'Leary was Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer of Burlington Resources Inc. From October 1990 until July 1992, Mr. O'Leary was Chairman of the Board, President and Chief Executive Officer of Burlington Resources Inc. Mr. O'Leary has been a Director of the Company since 1988. Mr. O'Leary is also a director of B.F. Goodrich and The Kroger Company. DONALD M. ROBERTS--Retired. Age--60. Member--Audit Committee. Mr. Roberts has been retired since September 1995. From February 1990 until September 1995, Mr. Roberts was Vice Chairman and Treasurer, United States Trust Company of New York and its parent, U.S. Trust Corporation. Mr. Roberts has been a Director of the Company since 1993. Mr. Roberts is also a director of York International Corporation. WALTER SCOTT, JR.--Chairman and President, Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc., Omaha, Nebraska -- Construction, Mining and Telecommunications. Age--64. Chairman--Compensation and Nominating Committee. For more than five years Mr. Scott's principal occupation has been as shown above. Mr. Scott has been a Director of the Company since 1988. Mr. Scott is also a director of Berkshire Hathaway Inc., California Energy Company, Inc., C-TEC Corporation, ConAgra, Inc., FirsTier Financial, Inc., MFS Communications Company, Inc. and BOBBY S. SHACKOULS--President and Chief Executive Officer, Burlington Resources Inc., Houston, Texas. Age--45. Since December 1995, Mr. Shackouls' principal occupation has been as shown above. Since October 1994, Mr. Shackouls has been President and Chief Executive Officer of Meridian Oil Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary of the Company. From June 1993 to October 1994, Mr. Shackouls was Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer of Meridian Oil Inc. From July 1991 to May 1993, Mr. Shackouls was President and Chief Operating Officer of Torch Energy Advisors, Inc. From September 1988 to July 1991, Mr. Shackouls was Executive Vice President of Torch Energy Advisors, Inc. Mr. Shackouls has been a Director of the Company since 1995. WILLIAM E. WALL--Of Counsel, Siderius Lonergan, Seattle, Washington--Law. Age--67. Member--Compensation and Nominating Committee. For more than five years, Mr. Wall's principal occupation has been as shown above. Mr. Wall has been a Director of the Company since 1992.
Sir Neville G. Trotter was appointed a director in May 1997. In June 1997 he was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant of the County of Tyne and Wear to assist the Lord Lieutenant as a representative of Queen Elizabeth. He was an elected Member of Parliament from 1974 to 1997 serving as a Member to the Trade & Industry Select Committee, Defense Select Committee and the Transport Select Committee. Prior to becoming a Member of Parliament, Mr. Trotter was a Chartered Accountant and Senior Partner with Grant Thornton and a member of the firm's National Executive Team. Mr. Trotter continued to practice as an active Consultant with Grant Thornton after his election to Parliament. He currently serves as Non-Executive Director or Advisor with several British corporations and trade associations. He is Vice President to the British Marine Council and a Member of the Council of the North East Chamber of Commerce Trade and Industry based in Newcastle upon Tyne.
David L. Sokol, 38, Chairman of the Board of Directors and Chief Executive Officer. Mr. Sokol has served as Chief Executive Officer of CECI since April 19, 1993 and as Chairman of the Board of Directors since May 5, 1994, has been a director of CECI since March 1991 and served as President from April 1993 until January 1995. Formerly, Mr. Sokol was Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of CECI from February 1991 until January 1992. Mr. Sokol has served as Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of the Purchaser since its formation on September 22, 1994. Mr. Sokol was the President and Chief Operating Officer of, and a director of, JWP, Inc., from January 27, 1992 to October 1, 1992. From November 1990 until February 1991, Mr. Sokol was the President and Chief Executive Officer of Kiewit Energy Company, the largest stockholder of CECI and a wholly owned subsidiary of PKS. From 1983 to November 1990, Mr. Sokol was the President and Chief Executive Officer of Ogden Projects, Inc.
Thomas R. Mason, 50, President and Chief Operating Officer, Mr. Mason joined CECI in March 1991. From October 1989 to March 1991, Mr. Mason was Vice President and General Manager of Kiewit Energy Company. From 1991 to 1993 he was Senior Vice President, Mr. Mason acted as a consultant in the energy field from June 1988 to October 1989. Prior to that, Mr. Mason was Director of Marketing for Energy Factors, Inc., a non-utility developer of power facilities.
Steven A. McArthur, 36, Senior Vice President, General Counsel and Secretary. Mr. McArthur joined CECI in February 1991. Mr. McArthur has served as a director, Senior Vice President, General Counsel and Secretary of the Purchaser since its formation on September 22, 1994. From 1988 to 1991 he was an attorney in the Corporate Finance Group at Shearman & Sterling in San Francisco. From 1984 to 1988 he was an attorney in the Corporate Finance Group at Winthrop, Stimson, Putnam & Roberts in New York.
Donald M. O'Shei, Sr., 60, Senior Vice President, Asia Division and President, CE International, Ltd. General O'Shei was in charge of engineering and operations for CECI from October 1988 until October 1991. He rejoined CECI as a Vice President in August 1992. Previously he was President and Chief Executive Officer of AWD Technologies, Inc., a hazardous waste remediation firm, and President and General Manager of its predecessor company, Atkinson-Woodward Clyde. He was a brigadier general in the U.S. Army prior to joining the Guy F. Atkinson Co. in 1982 as Director of Corporate Planning and Development.
John G. Sylvia, 35, Senior Vice President, Chief Financial Officer and Treasurer. Mr. Sylvia joined CECI in 1988. Mr. Sylvia has served as a director, Senior Vice President, Chief Financial Officer and Treasurer of the Purchaser since its formation on September 22, 1994. From 1985 to 1988, Mr. Sylvia was a Vice President in the San Francisco office of the Royal Bank of Canada, with responsibility for corporate and capital markets banking. From 1986 to 1990, Mr. Sylvia served as an Adjunct Professor of Applied Economics at the University of San Francisco. From 1982 to 1985, Mr. Sylvia was a Vice President with Bank of America.
Gregory E. Abel, 32, Vice President, Chief Accounting Officer and Controller. Mr. Abel joined CECI in 1992. Mr. Abel is a Chartered Accountant and from 1984 to 1992 he was employed by Price Waterhouse. As a Manager in the San Francisco office of Price Waterhouse, he was responsible for clients in the energy industry.
Edward F. Bazemore, 57, Vice President, Human Resources. Mr. Bazemore joined CECI in July 1991. From 1989 to 1991, he was Vice President, Human Resources, at Ogden Projects, Inc. in New Jersey. Prior to that, Mr. Bazemore was Director of Human Resources for Ricoh Corporation, also in New Jersey. Previously, he was Director of Industrial Relations for Scripto, Inc. in Atlanta, Georgia.
David W. Cox, 38, Vice President, Legislative and Regulatory Affairs. Mr. Cox joined CECI in 1990. From 1987 to 1990 Mr. Cox was a Vice President with Bank of America N.T. & S.A. in the Consumer Technology and Finance Group. From 1984 to 1987, Mr. Cox held a variety of management positions at First Interstate Bank.
Vincent B. Fesmire, 53, Vice President, Development and Implementation. Mr. Fesmire joined CECI in October 1993. Prior to joining CECI, Mr. Fesmire was employed for 19 years with Stone & Webster, an engineering firm, serving in various management level capacities with an expertise in geothermal design engineering.
David P. Maystrick, 43, Vice President, Construction. Mr. Maystrick joined CECI in April 1994. From 1978 to 1994, Mr. Maystrick was employed as Senior Project Manager with HDR Engineering, Inc. and was responsible for implementing and monitoring several full service contracts to design, to construct, and to operate electric and steam generating facilities. From 1974 to 1977, Mr. Maystrick was a design engineer of fossil fuel and nuclear power plants at Gibbs & Hill, Inc.
Dale R. Schuster, 42, Vice President, Administration. Mr. Schuster joined CECI in July 1994. From 1991 until joining CECI, he was Senior Vice President and General Manager of AutoInfo, Inc., a software development and information systems company, and prior to that, Vice President and General Manager of ValCom, Inc.
Edgar D. Aronson, 59. Mr. Aronson has been a director of CECI since April 1983. Mr. Aronson founded EDACO Inc., a private venture capital company, in 1981, and has been President of EDACO since that time. Prior to that, Mr. Aronson was Chairman of Dillon, Read International from 1979 to 1981 and a General Partner in charge of the International Department at Salomon Brothers Inc from 1973 to 1979.
Judith E. Ayres, 49. Ms. Ayres has been a director of CECI since July 1990. Since 1989 Ms. Ayres has been Principal of The Environmental Group, an environmental consulting firm in San Francisco, California. From 1988 to 1989, Ms. Ayres was a Vice President/Principal of William D. Ruckelshaus Associates, an environmental consulting firm. From 1983 to 1988 Ms. Ayres was the Regional Administrator of Region 9 (Arizona, California, Hawaii, Nevada and the Western Pacific Islands) of the United States Environmental Protection Agency.
James Q. Crowe, 44. Mr. Crowe has been a director of CECI since March 1991. Mr. Crowe is Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of MFS Communications Company, Inc., a publicly traded company in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest. Prior to assuming his current position in 1991, Mr. Crowe was President of Kiewit Industrial Company, a subsidiary of PKS. Before joining Kiewit Industrial Company in 1986, Mr. Crowe was Group Vice President, Power Group at Morrison-Knudsen Corporation. Mr. Crowe is a director of C-TEC Corporation, a publicly traded company in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest.
Richard K. Davidson, 52. Mr. Davidson was appointed a director of CECI in March 1993. Mr. Davidson has been Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Union Pacific Railroad since 1991. From 1989 to 1991 he was Executive Vice President-- Operations of Union Pacific Railroad, and from 1986 to 1989 he was Vice President--Operations of Union Pacific Railroad. Mr. Davidson is also a director of
Ben Holt, 80. Mr. Holt has been a director of CECI since September 1993. Mr. Holt is the founder, and was Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, of The Ben Holt Co., an engineering firm located in Pasadena, California, which CECI acquired in September 1993. Mr. Holt retired as Chairman and CEO of The Ben Holt Co. in December 1993 and is currently a consultant to CECI. Mr. Holt is a beneficial owner of 3,763 Shares, representing less than 1% of the outstanding Shares.
Richard R. Jaros, 42. Mr. Jaros has been a director of CECI since March 1991. Mr. Jaros served as Chairman of the Board from April 19, 1993 to May 5, 1994 and served as President and Chief Operating Officer of CECI from January 8, 1992 to April 19, 1993. From 1990 until January 8, 1992, Mr. Jaros served as a Vice President of PKS and is currently an Executive Vice President and a director of PKS. Mr. Jaros serves as a director of MFS Communications Company, Inc. and C-TEC Corporation, both of which are publicly traded companies in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest. From 1986 to 1990, Mr. Jaros served as a Vice President for Mergers and Acquisitions for Kiewit Holdings, a subsidiary of PKS.
Everett B. Laybourne, 82. Mr. Laybourne has been a director of CECI since May 1988. For many years he served as counsel for a number of major publicly-held corporations. He also presently serves as a Vice President and Trustee of The Ralph M. Parsons Foundation and as National Board Chairman of WAIF, Inc. From 1969 to 1988, Mr. Laybourne was senior partner in the law firm of MacDonald, Halsted & Laybourne in Los Angeles, California, whose successor firm was Baker & McKenzie to which he acted for five years in an of counsel capacity. He continues in the practice of law in Los Angeles.
Herbert L. Oakes, Jr., 47. Mr. Oakes has been a director of CECI since October 1987. In 1982, Mr. Oakes founded and became President of H.L. Oakes & Co., Inc., a corporate advisor and dealer in securities. From 1988 to the present, Mr. Oakes has served as a Managing Director of Oakes, Fitzwilliams, Co., Limited, a member of the Securities and Futures Authority Limited and The London Stock Exchange. Mr. Oakes is a director of Shared Technologies, Inc., Harcor Energy Inc. and New World Power Corporation.
Walter Scott, Jr., 62. Mr. Scott has been a director of CECI since June 1991. Mr. Scott was the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of CECI from January 8, 1992 until April 19, 1993. Mr. Scott is Chairman and President of PKS, a position he has held since 1979. Mr. Scott is a director of Berkshire Hathaway, Inc., Burlington Resources, Inc., ConAgra, Inc., FirsTier Financial, Inc., and Valmont Industries, Inc. Mr. Scott also serves as a director of MFS Communications Company, Inc. and C-TEC Corporation, both publicly traded companies in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest.
Barton W. Shackelford, 73. Mr. Shackelford has been a director of CECI since June 1986. Mr. Shackelford served as President and a director of Pacific Gas & Electric Company from 1979 until his retirement in 1985. He is a director of Harding Associates, Inc. David E. Wit, 32. Mr. Wit has been a director of CECI since April 1987. He is co-founder and Co-Chief Executive Officer of Logicat, Inc., a software development/publishing firm. Prior to working at Logicat, Inc. Mr. Wit worked at E.M. Warburg, Pincus & Company, where he analyzed seed-stage financing and technology investments.
THE DICK CHENEY DEEP DATA DUMP
Do you ever wonder why Saddam is still making weapons of mass destruction? Ever wonder why 500,000 American men and women fought and suffered in the Gulf War and most came home sick? Ever wonder why the killers of JFK are walkin' free, proud and rich? Ever wonder why you can't get Justice in American courts, and why your property is being ripped off by behind-the-scenes players? Have the patience to follow the leads! They could lead to your home town or your home or your family or even to you!
Click. CHENEY'S HALLIBURTON (ROOT & BROWN) THING LEADS DIRECTLY TO THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION.
Click. THE BUSH FAMILY'S THING WITH HALLIBURTON, ROOT & BROWN AND PERMINDEX (AND CHENEY).
Click. The Deep Politics of the Bush Family Political Empire by Linda Minor
Click. CHENEY'S CHINA THING.
Click. CHENEY'S MORGAN STANLEY GROUP THING.
Click. CHENEY'S IMMUNOGENETICS, INC. (IGI) THING.
Click. CHENEY'S U.S. WEST, INC. THING.
Click. CHENEY'S SIBERIAN OIL THING.
Click. CHENEY'S BURMA THING.
Click. CHENEY'S CASPIAN OIL THING.
Click. CHENEY'S THING ABOUT GREENHOUSE GAS EMISSIONS!
Click. CHENEY'S VIETNAM DEFERMENT THING.
Click. CHENEY'S THING ABOUT GETTING APPROVAL FOR HALIBURTON TO OPERATE IN SADDAM'S IRAQ.
Click. CHENEY'S THING ABOUT EXCLUDING ISRAELI REPRESENTATIVES FROM AN ARAB CHARITY EVENT.
CHENEY'S HALLIBURTON (ROOT & BROWN) THING LEADS DIRECTLY TO THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION.
After serving as Secretary of Defense for President Bush, Cheney reaped the financial rewards of the revolving money door between the military and industry. Cheney became a member of the board of directors of Morgan Stanley. the Union Pacific Corp., Procter & Gamble Co. and Electronic Data Systems Corp. But, most important, in 1995 Cheney became the CEO of Halliburton (owner of Brown and Root) (Click.) Cheney, the chairman of the board, holds a $45.5 million stake as Halliburton's biggest individual stockholder. Brown and Root reaped multi-millions from the Bosnia war. (Click.)
In 1998 Richard Cheney got the idea that Halliburton should purchase Dresser Industries, for $8.1 billion (creating the world's largest oil-drilling services company) while on a quail hunt with Dresser chair Bill Bradford. Dresser and Halliburton merged. Dresser Industries was owned and operated by Brown Brothers Harriman. Prescott Bush (George H.W.'s father) was a partner of Brown Brothers and on the board of Dresser for decades until he became a U.S. Senator.
CHENEY'S FIRM HALLIBURTON AND BROWN & ROOT FINANCED, (IN PART) PERMINDEX, THE CORPORATE FRONT, WHICH OPERATED THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY.
PERMINDEX was a corporate front, headed by Major Louis M. Bloomfield of Canada. Clay Shaw operated a division of PERMINDEX in New Orleans at the International Trade Mart. The connections between Clay Shaw, David Ferrie and Lee Harvey Oswald have, at this time, been proven by documentary and photographic evidence, despite myriad attempts to discredit the Garrison investigation.
Halliburton was one of the financiers of PERMINDEX. George and Herman Brown of Brown and Root were also financiers. Halliburton acquired Brown and Root after 1963. In the Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal (Click to read the entire document), William Torbitt, states:
The principal financiers of Permindex were a number of U. S. oil companies, H. L. Hunt of Dallas, Clint Murchison of Dallas, John DeMenil, Solidarist director of Houston, John Connally as executor of the Sid Richardson estate, Haliburton Oil Co., Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, Troy Post of Dallas, Lloyd Cobb of New Orleans, Dr. Oschner of New Orleans, George and Herman Brown of Brown and Root, Houston, Attorney Roy M. Cohn, Chairman of the Board for Lionel Corporation, New York City, Schenley Industries of New York City, Walter Dohrnberger, ex-Nazi General and his company, Bell Aerospace, Pan American World Airways, its subsidiary, Intercontinental Hotel Corporation, Paul Raigorodsky of Dallas through his company, Claiborne Oil of New Orleans, Credit Suisse of Canada, Heineken's Brewery of Canada and a host of other munition makers and NASA contractors directed by the Defense Industrial Security Command.
PERMINDEX was the operator of death squads in Europe, Mexico, Central American, the Caribbean and the United States. The persons and corporations who worked with PERMINDEX took over the government of the United States of America on November 22, 1963. The perpetrators have never been brought to justice, and now Halliburton, a Permindex backer, thus and financer of the ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY, has one of its own, Dick Cheney, trying to be the Vice President of the United States.
Picture of the motorcade at Dealy Plaza. When a President's head is blown off in the streets, and the Department of Justice, FBI, military intelligence and the government can't solve the case, Justice is dead in the streets of America. The assassination team and their progeny and selected puppets control America. (For more information about the assassination teams, PERMINDEX and the fascist behind them, see "The Nazi Connections to the Assassination of John F. Kennedy" by Mae Brussell. Click.)
THE BUSH FAMILY LINKS TO HALLIBURTON, ROOT & BROWN AND PERMINDEX.
Researchers of the JFK assassination have tried since 1963 to determine if George H.W. Bush had any intelligence role in November 1993. Efforts to conclusively prove that George H. W. Bush was a CIA agent at that time have been futile. Efforts to conclusively prove that he was directly involved with the Cuban exiles have also been futile. This is so, despite the close proximity of the Zapata oil platform to Cuba and the naming of boats for the Bay of Pigs invasion, notably the "Barbara." However, the financial and corporate structures which have financed George H.W. Bush and now his son, can be conclusively proven by documents.
The following article by Linda Minor is an analysis of these financial and corporate roots of the Bush family political and financial fortune. Note how these roots lead to the Harrimans, British Intelligence (right-wing variety) and to Halliburton and Brown and Root, thus to PERMINDEX.
THE DEEP POLITICS OF THE BUSH FAMILY POLITICAL EMPIRE.
by Linda Minor © 2000
Who were the clients of Brown Brothers Harriman when Prescott Bush and his wife's father, George H. Walker, worked for them? It was these investors who funded George H.W. Walker's campaigns. His biggest contributors were his uncle Herbie Walker, formerly of St. Louis, and Eugene Meyer, whose father spent his entire career working for a competing investment bank--Lazard Freres--or Lazard Brothers, as it was called in London.
The Bush family ties to the Lairds and Lords of Scotland and England.
Lazard Brothers was controlled by officials in the British government. It was always the investment bank of David Rockefeller. And, besides Meyer and Walker, George Bush's other large investor in Bush-Overbey was British Assets Trust, Ltd., an investment company whose directors interlocked with the management of companies associated with Lord Kindersley, such as Hudson's Bay Company. The chairman of British Assets Trust in 1956 was J.G.S. Gammell in Edinburgh, Scotland, and in 1985 by J.C.R. Inglis, a partner in Shepherd & Wedderburn, WS, an Edinburgh law firm. Inglis was also a director of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group, Scottish Provident Institution for Mutual Life Assurance, Edinburgh American Assets Trust and Atlantic
Assets Trust, as well as chairman of European Assets, N.V., Gammell also had served as director of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group, as did such other notables as The Right Hon. Lord Balfour of Burleigh, The Right Hon. Lord Clydesmuir and The Right Hon. Lord Polwarth. Polwarth, incidentally, began serving as a director of the Halliburton Company, parent of Brown & Root, in 1974.
The Bush family continued to amass its fortune an power from the British and Scottish sources named above, as these sources introduced their financial tentacles into Texas, and as George H.W. Bush and Barbara drove that old red Studebaker into Houston. Has anything changed? Do the same people run the selection of Dick Cheney as Vice President today? Will their scion, that old Skull & Bonesman, George W. be annointed?
The PERMINDEX connection to the Bush power moves.
Paravicini Bank and Permindex
In the same year that Zapata and Pennzoil were moving toward hostile takeovers, a new Swiss bank opened in Houston with J. Hugh Liedtke and George Bush's securities adviser, W.S. Farish III, among the directors. Called "Bank for Investment and Credit Berne" (BICB), its stock was owned by Capital National Bank and Paravicini Bank, but investors included Seagrams, Boeing, Minute Maid in Zurich, the London subsidiary of Brown and Root and the Schlesinger Organization of London and Johannesburg. These investors are more than interesting in light of the fact that Paravicini is a descendant of the Venetian Pallavicini family, whose attorney in Rome,
Carlo d'Amelio, was the general counsel to Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC),
the Italian arm of Permindex. CMC was incorporated in Berne Switzerland, and D' Amelio sat on the board of directors during the time that Seagrams' attorney, Louis Mortimer Bloomfield of Montreal, was chairman of Permindex.
When the role of CMC in the attempted assassination of President DeGaulle of France was discovered, it fled Europe and re-emerged in Johannesburg, South Africa. However, the parent company, Permindex, continued to be managed from Montreal by Bloomfield. Clay Shaw, the man prosecuted in New Orleans by Jim Garrison for his role in the Kennedy assassination, was also a board member of CMC, with which his International Trade Mart had connections.
According to a 1970 report called "The Torbitt Document," (Click to read the entire document), William Torbitt, states: "...a compilation of information gathered by a Texas attorney from "court-approved and documented evidence" from sources in the U.S. Customs Department and the Narcotics Bureau, from the Warren Commission and the Garrison investigations, Bloomfield's Permindex Corp. supervised five subsidiary groups:
(1) "White Russian" organization called the Solidarists--members Ferenc Nagy of Dallas (former Hungarian premier) and Jean De Menil of Houston (head of Schlumberger); (Click to read about Schlumberger, David Atlee Philips, Clay Shaw and the CIA.)
(2) American Council of Churches--H.L. Hunt organization;
(3) Free Cuba Committee--Carlos Prio Soccaras (Cuban ex-president);
(4) "The Syndicate"--Clifford Jones and Bobby Baker working with Joe Bonanno Mafia family;
(5) NASA's Security Division--Werner Von Braun, headquarters in Redstone Arsenal in Muscle Shoals, Alabama and on East Broad Street in Columbus, Ohio.
The Kennedy assassination was planned and carried out by Division Five of the FBI, which acted in conjunction with the Defense Intelligence Agency under the control of the Joint Chiefs. These divisions had a highly secret police agency called the Defense Industrial Security Command, which also worked with NASA, the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), USIA and weapons and ammunition supply corporations (munitions makers) which contract with those agencies. The police force originated in the 1930's to work for the Tennessee Valley Authority, then expanded to the AEC, tying it in with army intelligence. Agents of this force included Clay Shaw, Guy Bannister, David Ferrie, Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby and others, and was headed up by Bloomfield.
According to the Torbitt report:
The principal financiers of Permindex were a number of U.S. oil companies, H.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, John De Menil, Solidarist director of Houston, John Connally, as executor of Sid Richardson estate, Haliburton [sic] Oil Co., Sen. Robert Kerr of Okla., Troy Post of Dallas, Lloyd Cobb of New Orleans, Dr. Oechner of New Orleans, George and Herman Brown of Brown & Root, Attorney Roy M. Cohn, Chairman of the Board for Lionel Corp., New York City, Schenley Industries of New York City, Walter Dornberger, ex-Nazi general and his company, Bell Aerospace, Pan American World Airways and its subsidiary, Intercontinental Hotel Corp., Paul Raigorodsky of
Claiborne Oil of New Orleans, Credit Suisse of Canada, and Heineken's Brewery of
Canada and a host of other munitions makers and NASA contractors directed by
the Defense Industrial Security Command.
PERMINDEX AND SEAGRAMS USED THE SAME INVESTORS THE BUSH FAMILY USED.
Roy Cohn was a very close friend of Lewis Rosenstiel, who was in turn a friend of Sam Bronfman. Bloomfield was also president of Heineken of Canada. What these companies seem to have in common is their shareholders, directors and financiers. They are the same persons who invested in Bush-Overbey, Zapata and Dresser Industries through the investment trusts they controlled. The 1992 edition of Dope, Inc. (a LaRouche publication) has this to say about the banks involved:
Both Seagram's (and its old Prohibition rum-running partner, Hudson's Bay) are interlocked through a maze of contacts with all five of the big Canadian chartered banks: the Bank of Montreal, the Royal Bank of Canada, the Bank of Nova Scotia, the Toronto Dominion Bank, and the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce. Thus, the dirty money gleaned from the drug trade is conduited through these banks to points further south: The banks' offshore centers in the Caribbean, and from there the money makes its whirlpool round of worldwide laundering.
The chairman of this Houston-based international investment bank, BICB, whose investors included Seagrams and the Schlesinger mining interests in South Africa, was Johan F. (Fred) Paravicini. Vice-chairman was L.F. McCollum, Sr.-a long-time Humble Oil employee, who headed Conoco and founded Capital National Bank of Houston in 1965. The bank's president was Baker Lovett, cousin of James A. Baker III, and grandson of the first president of Rice University, Odell Lovett, a friend of Woodrow Wilson at Princeton.
In an interview with the Houston Post, Baker stated that his experience of 15 years in banking indicated that Houston had a relatively short supply of money, and that venture capital had to come from New England-from "more mature economies." He believed a bank "should dedicate a portion of its resources to relatively risky situations because it's those which sometimes really pay off." As the 1980s showed, however, it was also that type of investment that resulted in the bailout of the savings and loan industry.
In addition to its investment in the BICB set up by Conoco's chairman, Seagrams also owned a great deal of stock in Conoco and caused a major eruption with DuPont in 1981 over who would control the company. Seagrams was interested in Conoco because it owned a 53% interest in Hudson's Bay Oil and Gas Co. in Canada. Since it had recently received $2.3 billion cash profit from the sale of Sunoco stock, with which it had tried and failed to purchase control of DuPont's St. Joe Minerals, the Scottish-financed liquor barons at Seagrams saw another chance to grab something prized by the New Englanders-control of Conoco.
In 1969 W.S. Farish III was 31 years old and was a partner in the investment companies of Underwood Neuhaus and W.S. Farish & Co., through which he handled millions of dollars of his family's wealth in addition to George Bush's blind trust. Farish was also serving as president of a company called Fluorex, an international mineral and exploration company, and in 1973 also became a director of Houston Natural Gas. He was the only grandson of one of the founders of Humble Oil, W.S. Farish, Sr., who had been chairman of Standard Oil of New Jersey prior to World War II. W.A. Harriman & Co. helped Jersey Standard finance a merger with I.G. Farben,
the German chemical corporation which manufactured the gas used to exterminate
so many Jews.
Lehman Brothers, which had an office in Capital National Bank's building at 1300 Main-on the same floor, incidentally, as George Bush's friend (and later, Commerce Secretary, Robert Mosbacher), was represented on the board of the Capital National and its international investment branch. One director was Lehman Brothers partner, John B. Carter, Jr., and another was director I.H. "Denny" Kempner III, heir to the Imperial Sugar fortune, whose brother was a Lehman representative in Houston.
The Kempner brothers' mother was Mary Carroll Kempner, a granddaughter of
W.T. Carter and sister of W.T. Carter, Jr., whose wife was Lillie Neuhaus, making them first cousins of Victor J. Carter. Lillie was a niece of C.L. Neuhaus and W. Oscar Neuhaus, the founders of Neuhaus & Co. (later Underwood Neuhaus). Oscar's son, Hugo, married Kate Rice, Libbie Farish's cousin, and after W.S. and Libbie's son died in 1943, their daughter-in-law, Mary Wood Farish, married Kate Neuhaus' son. The Oscar Neuhaus who became trustee for the wealthy Cullen family and secretary of a joint venture between Dresser and Cullen interests, was a key member of the Neuhaus/Farish banking interests-which thus had control of Cullen/Dresser real estate matters in downtown Houston. This relationship resulted in the construction of a
complex of office buildings in the southwest part of downtown leased to Dresser, Cullen/Frost Bank, Enron, Oppenheimer & Co. and assorted other interesting companies. The Carter family also were investment bankers in Houston.
Still another director of Capital Bank was Bill Barziza, a descendant of Decimus et Ultimus Barziza, founder of Houston Land & Trust, which has since merged into First International Bank. This ancestor was the son of a Venetian count and French-Canadian mother, born in Williamsburg, Virginia, who, during the Civil War, had been captured at Gettysburg and smuggled through the Confederate underground to Canada where he was returned to Houston via the blockade route through Bermuda.
The decision to form a partnership with Paravicini may have also been influenced by another Lehman representative-William Mellon Hitchcock--grandson of William Larimer Mellon, founder of Gulf Oil, and nephew of banker Andrew Mellon. Bush's partners in Zapata were the sons of William Liedtke, Sr.-one of the "highest ranking lawyers in Gulf Oil Corp."
Billy Mellon Hitchcock worked from 1961 to 1967 for "his father's mentor," Bobby Lehman of Lehman Brothers in Manhattan. Fred Paravicini began an illegal trading relationship with Billy in 1965, for which they were not indicted until 1973-Hitchcock in February and Paravicini in June. Hitchcock pled guilty in April. He then appears to have disappeared from sight.
What Hitchcock shows us is a classic fondi member, educated at Harvard, trained at Lazard Brothers during Lord Cowdray's tenure, who while vacationing in Venice, is recruited to work for CIA-connected investment bank with connections to the Bronfman family by a member of his father's polo team! How did he manage to get caught? These people never get caught.
But what was never followed up on was how Hitchcock and Paravicini were connected to Conoco, Seagrams, Standard Oil, Brown & Root and the Schlesinger mines in Johannesburg. These connections lead straight to Permindex, the Bronfmans and to the Dallas oil men funding the JFK assassination. They also lead to George Bush through W.S. Farish-investor of his blind trust.
The Pearson Group and Texas oil men.
Although it has never been proven that Farish, Liedtke or George Bush had any background in intelligence operations before Bush was appointed director of the CIA by Gerald Ford in 1976, an inference can be made just by reviewing the associations that existed in the Texas oil community in the 1960s. Billy's training as an investment banker had taken place at the English branch of Lazard Freres, which has been shown to be closely tied to one of George Bush's original investors, Eugene Meyer, and to Everett DeGolyer, a Dresser director who had spent most of his career working for Sir Weetman Pearson (Viscount Cowdray). DeGolyer left his job at Amerada Petroleum in New York and moved to Dallas where he established a geological consulting firm called DeGolyer and MacNaughton and served from 1954 until his death in 1956 on the board of Dresser Industries in Dallas. He was replaced on the board by his partner, Lewis W. MacNaughton, who remained until 1969. Lewis MacNaughton was also a director of Empire Trust, a company whose largest single holding of stock was comprised of Loeb-Lehman, Bache and Bronfman holdings, in which Edgar Bronfman became a director in 1963.
Edgar Bronfman, Sr. married the daughter of John L. Loeb (Loeb, Rhoades), who was himself married to a Lehman. A vice-president of Empire Trust in Dallas was Jack Crichton (also president of Nafco Oil & Gas, Inc.) who was connected with Army Reserve Intelligence. In a 1995 book written by Fabian Escalante, the chief of a Cuban counterintelligence unit during the late 1950s and early 1960s, he describes that as soon as intelligence was received from agents in Cuba that Fidel Castro had "converted to communism," a plan called "Operation 40" was put into effect by the National Security Council, presided over by Vice-President Richard Nixon. Escalante
indicates that Nixon was the Cuban "case officer" who had assembled an important group of businessmen headed by George Bush and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for the operation. Nixon was a protégé of Bush's father Preston [sic] who in 1946 had supported Nixon's bid for Congress. In fact, Preston Bush was the campaign strategist that brought Eisenhower and Nixon to the presidency of the United States. With such patrons, [Tracy] Barnes was certain that failure was impossible.
According to Peter Dale Scott, Crichton arranged for Marina Oswald to have Ilya Mamantov as her interpreter when she was questioned after Oswald's arrest. Mamantov also taught scientific Russian classes at Magnolia Oil Co. Lee and Marina Oswald first met the Paines at a party at the home of Richard Pierce and Everett Glover where practically all the guests worked for Magnolia Oil. The guests included a German named Volkmar Schmidt who came to Dallas in 1961 to do geological research at Magnolia's laboratories in nearby Duncanville.
MacNaughton's personal accountant was George Bouhe, who also worked at the
Tolstoy Foundation with Paul Raigorodsky-a man involved with the National Alliance of Solidarists. Bouhe was closely tied to George DeMohrenschildt, who later became famous as the White Russian assigned to "handle" Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas. It was DeMohrenschildt who had taken the Oswalds to a party where they met Volkmar Schmidt, and then a later party at the same house where they met Michael Paine. DeMohrenschildt was also the one in charge of getting Marina a place to stay at Ruth Paine's home, and it was Ruth Paine who found Oswald the job at the book depository office in the building owned by Jack Crichton's friend.
DeMohrenschildt also was involved with the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia in Dallas which received subsidies from the Baird Foundation, which was determined to be a CIA conduit by the Patman House Select Committee hearings [cf. New York
Times, March 5, 1967, p. 36].
DeMohrenschildt immigrated to the U.S. in 1938, having been involved in espionage with the OSS and probably with the Nazis. He had a doctorate in commerce from the University of Liege, Belgium, when he came to the United States at age 27 where his brother Dmitry was a professor at Dartmouth, having degrees from Columbia and Yale. While visiting his brother and American sister-in-law at Bellport, near East Hampton, on the eastern, ocean tip of Long Island, DeMohrenschildt met many influential people, including stockbroker Jack and Janet Bouvier (Jackie's parents). He was also a friend of Margaret Clark Williams, whose family had vast land holdings in Louisiana, who gave him a letter of introduction to Humble Oil.
DeMohrenschildt came to Texas by bus "where he got a job with Humble Oil Company in Houston, thanks to family connections," and, "[d]espite being friends with the chairman of the board of Humble," he worked as a roughneck in the Louisiana oil fields. DeMohrenschildt came to Texas in 1944 and got a master's degree in petroleum geology at the University of Texas at Austin. For a time he worked overseas
for the Murchisons' Three States Oil and Gas and for Pantipec, an oil company owned by William F. Buckley, Jr.'s father operated in Mexico at the same time Sir Weetman Pearson (later Viscount Cowdray) and DeGolyer were there running the Mexican Eagle. In fact, Buckley and his brother were the attorneys for the Mexican oil companies after their properties were taxed illegally by the Mexican government. According to William Engdahl, Pearson worked for British Secret Intelligence, "as did all other major British oil groups." They had financed and put in power the regime of General Victoriano Huerta, subsequently overthrown by President Woodrow Wilson, who was supporting the objectives of Standard Oil in attempting to take from Britain at least a portion of its concessions for half of Mexico's oil.
The U.S. under Rockefeller cover sent money and arms to Carranza.
Notes (The Deep Politics of the Bush Family Political Empire by Linda Minor © 2000):
Pete Brewton, The Mafia, the CIA and George Bush, p. 137. Brewton's information came from two articles in the Houston Post-dated April 25, 1969 and January 11, 1970. The earlier article, naming the corporate investors in the new bank, had no by-line.
Dope, Inc. (1992), p. 459.
Dope , Inc., p. 256. The Royal Bank of Canada is said by the EIR writers of Dope, Inc. to be the dirtiest bank, followed closely by the Bank of Nova Scotia, of which Bronfman aide and Zionist, R.D. Wolfe, is a director. This bank is also involved in the financing of business in Jamaica tied to the arms trade, as well as being tied to the Canadian gold markets through an interlock with Noranda Mines. The gold exchange also serves as a means of payment for the illegal weapons trade.
The Paravicinis are the descendants, most likely, of Sir Horatio Pallavacino, who filled the post of Venetian ambassador to England -- which had been vacant for 50 years or so -- in 1603 when James VI of Scotland became James I of Great Britain. Pallavicino was the head of an intelligence service which "was at the disposal of Cecil, as, presumably, was his money." See David Cherry, The Found of Englands Civil Warres Discover'd, as cited in Al and Rachel Douglas's manuscript on Venice. The "more mature economies" he referred to in New England were those which began with the first life insurance company established in America in 1762 by the Presbyterian Ministers Fund. The managers brought in to oversee this fund were members of British banking families such as the Bevans of Barclays Bank-which was later to assimilate most of the country and colonial banks into its London bank. Through these family and social contacts, connections arose between the Canadian banks, Scottish banks, the Far East, South Africa, the Caribbean and New England. These same families also had strong ties to the Carolinas which was originally settled by a great number of Scottish emigrants who retained strong ties to the mother country. Another chapter will detail fondi control of this and other companies founded by John Henry Kirby-railroads, lumber, oil and banking interests financed by Brown Brothers of Baltimore and the Maryland Trust. This representative was James Carroll Kempner . See Harold M.Hyman, Oleander Odyssey, p. 217. It had been the tradition in the Kempner family for the sons to attend Harvard, then spend a year in Paris before
coming back to Texas to help with the family business. Mary later married Lawrence Reed. Mary's aunt was Frankie Carter Randolph, who became the famous liberal Democrat who mentored Billie Carr in liberal Texas politics. Julius V. Neuhaus (Lillie Neuhaus Carter's brother) married Laura Boettcher, whose family brokerage company also came into the company in 1985 when Larry Johnson and Tom Masterson came into the company.
The Mischer connections to George H. W. Bush.
Connections can be shown between Larry Johnson, General Homes and Walter Mischer - a close friend and fund-raiser for George Bush-through an assortment of
complicated corporate relationships. He was the founder of Houston Land & Trust Company, the first trust institution in the State of Texas. Marie Phelps McAshan, On the Corner of Main and Texas: A Houston Legacy (Houston: Gulf Publishing Co.,
1985), p. 130; Marguerite Johnston, Houston, the Unknown City, 1836-1946 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1991), pp. 75 and 404fn. The name "Barziza" is similar in sound to "Barozzi," which was the name of one of the case vecchie that existed in Venice [Allen and Rachel Douglas, manuscript entitled "Venice: The Fondi.and related matters", p. 12]
Thomas Petzinger, Jr., Oil & Honor: The Texaco-Pennzoil Wars (G. P. Putnam's Sons: New York), p. 36. Incidentally, Allen Dulles, before becoming director of the CIA, had been legal counsel to Gulf Oil for Latin American operations, as well as counsel to Prescott Bush at Brown Brothers Harriman. Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography (EIR: Washington, D.C., 1992), pp. 148-49). John McCloy also represented Gulf in 1975 when the scandal involving bribery and payoffs of elected officials occurred. Billy's father, Tommy Hitchcock, a Harvard graduate, had become a Lehman Brothers partner in 1937 but within two years became an air attaché in the U.S. Embassy and then a pilot in Carl Spaatz' Ninth Air Support Command, where he was chief of tactical research. His plane went down in 1944, when his twin sons, Billy and Tommy were only five. He had learned to fly during the First World War when he had served in the Lafayette Escadrille as a seventeen-year-old and had been caught behind German lines, escaped from a prison train and hobbled a hundred miles into Switzerland. The
Hitchcocks were "gentry, a clan whose way of living 'depicted the English country
life,'" in Aiken, South Carolina, where Billy spent his visits fox hunting and playing polo. According to Billy, his grandfather had gone to Oxford, and his great-grandfather had been financial editor of the New York Sun, married to a descendant of William Corcoran, an "eminent Georgetown financier." Billy and his brother attended boarding school in South Carolina, a place run like an English public school. In the mid-50s
he got a job as a tool dresser on oil rigs in Pecos, Texas (which is a short distance from Midland where George Bush was living and working for a Dresser subsidiary), then at a refinery near Vienna, Austria. Billy had been at Harvard before Harvard professor Timothy Leary took his first LSD trip in 1960, but he met Leary in 1964 after Leary had returned from Mexico where he had been doing psychedelic research with Aldous Huxley. In fact, Billy rented his family country estate in New York to Leary to continue his drug experiments
New York Times, June 8, 1973. Darwin Payne, Initiative in Energy: Dresser Industries, Inc.1880-1978 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), pp. 232 and 388. DeGolyer's death was reported in a December 15, 1956 Houston Post article, which stated that he "shot himself to death Friday in his Dallas office. His death was ruled a suicide. No immediate reason for DeGolyer's act could be determined. However, DeGolyer's son, E.L. DeGolyer, Jr. said his father had been in ill health for seven years and for the last two years suffered from aplastic anemia, a disease similar to leukemia. He said his father required frequent blood transfusions, having had the most recent one about four weeks ago.
DeGolyer had other difficulties, his son said, including an operation for a detached retina in 1949, which was not successful and left him without the sight of one eye." None of those facts answers the question of why, at that particular time, he chose to kill himself. He had endured all those trials for years and survived optimistically. In the year before DeGolyer died, two men began buying land in the area of town which is now the location of the Galleria Shopping Center. One was the son of Grover J. Geiselman, an independent oil man who officed at Suite 849 of the Houston Club
Building, where both Farish and Bush were located during this time. Eventually
Geiselman conveyed his half interest to the other buyer, J.S. Michael, who in 1961 deeded to the estate of E.L. DeGolyer for a nominal sum, indicating they may have been holding title for him all along. Further indication of this is the deed in 1969 to Stephen T. Cochran, Trustee, executed by both Geiselman, Jr. and J.S. Michael, as well as Nell DeGolyer and First National Bank in Dallas, Trustees for the estate, as well as the three daughters and their husbands. All were joint payees on one promissory note. This land ended up having frontage on either side of the West Loop, which was constructed through the tracts, which were purchased for a pittance
from Italians who had owned the land for decades.
DeGolyer's death is reminiscent of the death of Howard R. Hughes, Sr., which was reported in a Houston Post January 15, 1949 "Post Yesteryears 15 Years Ago" column. The article stated: "Howard R. Hughes, 54, millionaire Houston manufacturer, and a brother of Rupert Hughes, the novelist, died suddenly in his office at the Humble building yesterday. Born in Lancaster, Mo., Mr. Hughes graduated from Harvard university in 1897..As a young Harvard graduate, Mr. Hughes entered the oil industry in the Old Sour Lake field and almost immediately began inventing oil well tools. Oil men
said that he, more than any other man in America, was responsible for revolutionizing the oil industry. In association with W.B. Sharp of Houston, the Sharp-Hughes Tool company was launched by Mr. Hughes, and on Mr. Sharp's retirement, the concern became the Hughes Tool company which is known wherever drillers operate."
Stephen Birmingham, "Our Crowd": The Great Jewish Families of New York (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1967), pp. 444-445.
Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers/Richard Gallen, 1992), p. 615 and pp. 792-93 fn. 14.
Crichton was also director of Dorchester Gas Producing Co. with D.H. Byrd,
founder of the Temco Co. (later LTV), who owned the building to which the Texas
School Book Depository had moved several months before Kennedy was killed. Fabian Escalante, translated by Maxine Shaw, edited by Mirta Muniz,
TheSecret War: CIA Covert Operations against Cuba 1959-62 (Melbourne, Victoria, Australia: Ocean Press, 1995), p. 42.
See Peter Dale Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, chapter III, p. 37 (quoted in Bartholomew, p. 71).
In Germany Schmidt had lived with Dr. Wilhelm Kuetemeyer, a professor of psychosomatic medicine at the University of Heidelberg. Kuetemeyer conducted experiments on schizophrenics. His work was interrupted when he became involved in the July 20 plot to kill Adolph Hitler. See Edward J. Epstein, Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978), pp. 203-05. Schmidt shared a room in the house with the Magnolia employees who gave the party at Schmidt's request where Oswald met Michael Paine. Schmidt was also studying Russian at Magnolia with Mamantov, who worked as a geologist for Sun Oil Co. Mamantov was acquainted also with George Bush, who wrote to Mamantov's wife after his death stating, "We did it!"
See Dick Russell, The Man who Knew Too Much.
See Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 66.
Marrs, Crossfire, p. 278-9.
Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation (New York: Thunder Mouth Press, 1993), p.190.
Priscilla Johnson McMillan, Marina and Lee (Harper & Row, 1976), p. 216.
Ibid., p. 219. Ibid. The quoted passage does not identify which of the Humble Oil
founders was DeMohrenschildt's friend, but it is known that his UT roommate, Hines Baker did later become chairman of Humble Oil. McMillan revealed that
DeMohrenschildt was also friendly with H. L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, John Mecom, Robert Kerr and Jean De Menil of Schlumberger. According to Jim Marrs' interviews with Jeanne DeMohrenschildt after her husband's death, George was making regular trips to Houston from Dallas during 1962-63 on oil business with Mecom and De Menil. George's Russian friends in the Tolstoy Foundation told Marrs that he was going to Houston to see George and Herman Brown (Crossfire, p. 282.)
Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover-up, p. 34
Buckley Sr., a Texan, as an undergraduate lived in the same upper class dorm
at the University of Texas at Austin where DeMohrenschildt, brothers Rex G. Baker and Hines Baker (who W.S. Farish, Sr. later hired as attorneys and top management for Humble Oil) lived when they were at UT. See Richard Bartholomew, Possible Discovery of an Automobile Used in the JFK Conspiracy (the Nash Rambler) --unpublished manuscript, pp. 63, 88-89. Engdahl, p. 72.
CHENEY'S CHINA THING.
Cheney, chairman of Halliburton oil and former director of Morgan Stanley works hard for the money in China. Although Cheney is not an elected or appointed official, Cheney engaged in meetings with the People's Republic of China (PRC) to back down the Philippine government when it challenged Chinese military activity at Spratly Island. China operates a warship and submarine base in the Spratly Islands, which threatens the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan's trade thoroughfares. Who gave Cheney the authority to enter into de facto negotiations with the PRC regarding its military installation affecting US security and US allies?
John B. Judis, New Republic, 3/10/97 (Click ) reported:
One such incident involving former Defense Secretary Cheney stirred the wrath of some of his fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill. In February 1995, the Chinese Navy entered the waters around the disputed Spratly Islands and erected structures on Mischief Reef, which is also claimed by the Philippines. Philippine President Fidel Ramos ordered the Philippine Navy to the area, and the Philippine ambassador complained to Washington.
In March, Cheney, who had joined the board of directors of Morgan Stanley, visited China with representatives from the bank and secured meetings with high-ranking Chinese officials, including Defense Minister Chi Haotian. In Beijing on March 10, after three days of meetings, Cheney told Xinhua News Agency, "I do not really perceive any threat from China to the world or to the region." After leaving China, Cheney attended a business meeting in Singapore, where he made further public statements suggesting that he believed the Philippines had no cause for concern. According to Reuters, Cheney said he did not think China had embarked upon a "hostile course" in the area. Afterwards, one Republican China expert on Capitol Hill told me, "Cheney's statement [on Mischief Reef] was very mischievous. Saying China is not a threat sent a message to Southeast Asian countries who were backing the Philippines that major parts of the U.S. establishment weren't going along." In the months after Cheney's visit, the People's Construction Bank of China, a joint venture between the government and Morgan Stanley, announced a major expansion of its services.
Cheney's negotiations in China had a direct impact on a strategic military installation. The Pentagon Bush Cabal signaled that China's activities at Spratly were approved at the top level. Meanwhile, Congress was investigating agents of the PRC and American traitors who stole classified information. "The PRC has stolen classified information on all of the United States' most advanced thermonuclear warheads..." The Cox Committee Report, 1999. When American private companies engage in private military strategic negotiations, with the PRC--the US is not in control of "classified" strategy and decisions based on "classified" information. What "structures" did the PRC erect on Mischief Reef (claimed by the Philippines) near Spratly Islands? Perhaps, Cheney knows.
President Bush served as Ambassador to China and opened the door for trade with the PRC. The Bush family does extensive business with China. Prescott S. Bush, Jr., of Prescott Bush Resources, Ltd. is the Chairman of the United States China Chamber of Commerce of Chicago, Illinois. (Click.)
CHINA TOWN by John B. Judis © 2000, The New Republic 3/10/97
"Much of the American foreign policy establishment, including three former secretaries of state and other former senior officials of both parties, turned a collective thumbs down yesterday on the Clinton administration's policy of linking trade with China to Beijing's human rights performance," The Washington Post reported on March 16, 1994. Anyone who read the Post's account, which described a Council on Foreign Relations meeting chaired by former Secretaries of State Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance and Lawrence Eagleburger, would have come away knowing that a quorum of foreign policy luminaries had offered a grave indictment of U.S. China policy. What they wouldn't know was one particularly relevant fact about those luminaries: namely, that Kissinger, Vance and Eagleburger each have business ties to China. Kissinger is the founder of a firm, Kissinger Associates, which helps its corporate clients secure business in China; Vance is a corporate lawyer who chaperones clients seeking outlets in China; and Eagleburger, once the president of Kissinger Associates, now works for a Washington law firm where he has also helped businessmen secure contracts in China.
Yet this gathering was not in the least unusual. Increasingly, many of our most distinguished and, in theory, disinterested, experts on U.S. China policy are selling their reputations and knowledge to clients with very particular business interests in China. Almost every prominent former government official who speaks out on this subject has direct or indirect financial ties to China. Most of them are Republicans, because a Republican administration first re- established ties with China in 1972, and because Republicans controlled the White House for most of the next twenty years. Besides Kissinger and Eagleburger, they include: former Secretaries of State Alexander Haig and George Shultz, former Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, former National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft, former U.S. Trade Representatives Carla Hills and Bill Brock, and former Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker. But Democrats have also gotten in on the China game. Besides Vance, there is, for example, former Secretaries of State Edmund Muskie and Warren Christopher, former Ambassador to China Leonard Woodcock, former U.S. Trade Representative Robert Strauss and former Senator Gary Hart.
Unlike the ex-officials who have lobbied for Japan and Japanese corporations, these former officials don't work directly for China or for Chinese businesses, and most have no personal investments in China. The relationship is more subtle and indirect. They are employed by, or serve as, lawyers, advisers or consultants to American companies that have invested, or want to invest, in China. Some, like Kissinger, Hills, Scowcroft and Haig, are high- priced consultants who run their own firms. Others, like Cheney, formerly a director of Morgan Stanley and now the chairman of Halliburton Oil, and Shultz, a director of Bechtel, work for the businesses they seek to help. And still others, like Vance and Howard Baker, are senior or managing partners in law firms that represent companies with an interest in China. What all of them have to offer is not so much knowledge of China as clout with its government-- clout based in part on the statements they have made about U.S. policy toward China. American businesses use these former officials to gain access to high Chinese officials who would otherwise be reluctant to entertain visits from businessmen or bankers. Explains Roger Sullivan, the former president of the National Council for U.S.-China Trade, "The Chinese have all the traditional views toward business. It's crass, lower-class. Higher-level officials don't like businessmen that much. You have to have someone else with you if you want to see them." James Lilley, who was ambassador to China in the Bush administration and is now a professor at the University of Maryland, concurs. "There is a standard procedure that, if you want to do business in China and get the contracts, you have to have someone to open doors, and people who were in prominent positions are often very good door openers."
But having been friendly toward China while in office is not enough to guarantee access, even for the most exalted former officials. They must also be seen as ongoing friends and defenders of China's rulers. Explains Lilley, "If you want to deal in China, you will sing their tune. This can take a number of forms. It can take the form of bringing congressional visitors over, it can take the form of an op-ed piece in The New York Times, it can take the form of a speech, it can take the form of lobbying Congress. There are many, many ways you can influence things." The pressure to make favorable statements about China mounts as a visit nears, or as contracts are under consideration. Even when a delegation arrives, the Chinese will often keep them in suspense about how high-ranking an official they'll get to see. Says Sullivan, "It is always put to you that here is your schedule, and at such and such a date you are going to see a high-level official, but they won't tell you who it is going to be." When a former American official--whatever his motive--gives a speech denouncing those who want to tie trade with China to human rights, he is enhancing his ability to open doors at the highest levels in China. If he gives a speech denouncing Chinese policies, he is likely to find himself shunted off to the provinces, taking tea with some minor functionary.
Scowcroft, too, defends China against its critics. Last year, he gave speeches and briefings on China and MFN at the Heritage Foundation for Republican House members. His Forum for International Policy faxed "issue briefs" on China to congressional offices. Some of these briefs seemed to betray the same sort of "blame America first" logic that old Leftists used to resort to when they spoke of the Soviet Union. In one, published on June 12 last year, Scowcroft and former Bush State Department official Arnold Kanter blamed the U.S. for Chinese sales of nuclear technology to Pakistan, arguing that "an accretion of non-proliferation legislation" had led us into strategic blunders. Though other members of the informal China lobby are more discreet than Kissinger, Haig and Scowcroft, they, too, get themselves into situations in which they appear to be abusing their roles as members of the foreign policy establishment. One such incident involving former Defense Secretary Cheney stirred the wrath of some of his fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill. In February 1995, the Chinese Navy entered the waters around the disputed Spratly Islands and erected structures on Mischief Reef, which is also claimed by the Philippines. Philippine President Fidel Ramos ordered the Philippine Navy to the area, and the Philippine ambassador complained to Washington.
In March, Cheney, who had joined the board of directors of Morgan Stanley, visited China with representatives from the bank and secured meetings with high-ranking Chinese officials, including Defense Minister Chi Haotian. In Beijing on March 10, after three days of meetings, Cheney told Xinhua News Agency, "I do not really perceive any threat from China to the world or to the region." After leaving China, Cheney attended a business meeting in Singapore, where he made further public statements suggesting that he believed the Philippines had no cause for concern. According to Reuters, Cheney said he did not think China had embarked upon a "hostile course" in the area. Afterwards, one Republican China expert on Capitol Hill told me, "Cheney's statement [on Mischief Reef] was very mischievous. Saying China is not a threat sent a message to Southeast Asian countries who were backing the Philippines that major parts of the U.S. establishment weren't going along." In the months after Cheney's visit, the People's Construction Bank of China, a joint venture between the government and Morgan Stanley, announced a major expansion of its services.
Kissinger, Haig, Scowcroft, Cheney, Hills, Vance and Shultz stand atop a pyramid of numerous former officials who are involved in U.S. China policy and who share the same conflict of interest. Kanter and former NSC staff member Eric Melby work for Scowcroft. Former ustr official Erin Endean works for Carla Hills at Hills & Co. in Washington, D.C., where she advises firms about investing in China. In January 1996, former Clinton Commerce Department official David Rothkopf joined Kissinger Associates as its managing director. As Ron Brown's deputy undersecretary for international trade, Rothkopf had supervised Deputy Assistant Secretary John Huang. These lower-ranking officials don't have the same influence on Capitol Hill as Kissinger or Scowcroft, but they can function more plausibly as impartial experts, particularly for the media. The same reporters who would hesitate before quoting Kissinger or Haig as impartial experts on China are happy to rely on Rothkopf or Kanter. Last November, for example, Business Week blithely invoked Rothkopf's expert opinion about the "importance of cultivating the relationship with China." In August, Reuters, citing Rothkopf's opinion that China should be made "a full member of the global trading system," left out his affiliation with Kissinger Associates, identifying him only as a former Commerce Department official.
Rothkopf or Kanter can argue that their opinions are independent of their employers, but the Chinese don't see it that way. The Chinese government closely monitors what researchers and policy wonks in this country say and write about China. One head of a policy group, who didn't want his name or organization revealed for fear of further reprisal, told me what happened when one of his researchers, writing in an obscure academic journal, described China's trade policy as "mercantilist." The Chinese Embassy in Washington immediately protested to the businesses that funded the policy group.
Until now, the new China hands and their minions have had the best of both worlds. Not only have they gained contracts for their clients; they have shaped opinion in Washington, too. Says one aide to a Republican congressman, "They are respected voices on foreign affairs. Congress is especially susceptible to authoritative statements from Kissinger and Vance because so few members have any experience or knowledge about foreign affairs. Between [Richard] Armey, [Thomas] DeLay and [John] Boehner, you've got zero knowledge of foreign affairs." A Senate Republican aide who has advocated a harder line toward China told a similar story. "I can deal with the Motorolas of the world," he said. "The problem I have is the George Shultzes, where these guys show up and they are not directly on the payroll. You get overwhelmed as a staff guy. You get a discussion going, and then someone gets a call from Scowcroft and he is off the reservation again."
And the work of the former officials nicely complements that of the corporate lobbyists. While the lobbyists appeal to the politicians' instincts for electoral survival, the former officials seem to offer an intellectual rationale for obeying those instincts. Explained one House aide, "I have been in meetings and heard members say that they have to vote for MFN, but they need some way to cover their own rear ends. That just tells me right there, they are not making the vote on any intellectual or moral grounds. They are making the vote because of their campaigns. The role of Scowcroft or Kissinger is to provide cover."
But in the long run, the new China hands' success may prove to be the country's failure. Some of the policies they promote may have been justifiable on their merits. It made a certain sense for the Clinton administration not to base its trade negotiations on China's human rights record. But many of the former officials have not simply argued for pursuing negotiations on different tracks, but for virtually abandoning any effort to influence either China's highly protectionist trade policies--at the root of last year's record $39.5 billion deficit--or its support for tyranny at home and abroad. They identify the interests of American corporations abroad with the interests of Americans at home, many of whom could see their jobs shifted from Seattle to Shanghai. They overlook the fact that China could pose a far greater threat to international security than rogue states like North Korea or Iraq. And, as they did in Iran, they cast America's lot with an unpopular autocracy.
Perhaps more important, the new China hands could have a corrosive effect on American democracy. In foreign policy debates, average Americans, as well as many of their political representatives, often defer to prominent former officials whom they believe speak disinterestedly for the national interest. When the public becomes aware that they are also speaking for the interests of their business clients, the cynicism about how important policy decisions are made will deepen. This, together with revelations about the Clinton Commerce Department and presidential campaign, and a growing anxiety about the role of money, especially foreign money, in American politics, could precipitate a crisis of political confidence as profound as that caused by Watergate. Those who understand what has happened to the foreign policy establishment can't conceal their concern. Says Lilley, "Who are the real objective observers? It's like Diogenes looking for an honest man. It is very, very hard to find one."
(Copyright 1997, The New Republic.)
Board of Directors
Chairman Prescott S. Bush, Jr.
Prescott Bush Resources, Ltd
CHENEY WOULD GIVE UP MILLIONS BY TAKING VP SPOT.
By Jeremy Pelofsky © Updated 6:48 PM ET July 24, 2000
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Dick Cheney would give up millions if he stepped down as head of the world's largest oil field service company to become Republican presidential candidate George W. Bush's vice presidential running mate.
Cheney, 59, the CEO of Halliburton Co. and the head of Bush's search for a lieutenant, raked in $1.92 million last year plus stock options but would trade that in for a $181,400 salary if elected vice president this fall.
Bush, the son of former President George Bush, has selected Cheney as his running mate and is expected to call him with the offer, senior Republican sources said late Monday.
Cheney, who had previously told associates that he would accept the nomination if asked, served as defense secretary under former President Bush, earning $143,800 in 1992.
The oil executive lives in Dallas, where Halliburton has its headquarters, but changed his voter registration Friday to his home state of Wyoming to clear a constitutional hurdle that makes it difficult for the president and vice president to be from the same state. Cheney was a congressman from Wyoming for 10 years.
Halliburton paid him $1.28 million in salary and $640,914 in other compensation last year plus stock options worth $7.4 million to $18.8 million depending on the company's future stock performance, an examination of regulatory filings showed Monday.
That's half what he made in 1998, when he hauled in $4.4 million plus stock options.
"That would put his pay package at the high end, not the highest, which is probably appropriate for a company of that size," said Alan Johnson who runs Johnson & Associates, a compensation consulting firm in New York. "It's ... more than he would make as vice president."
Halliburton provides equipment and other services to oil and natural gas companies for exploration and production.
The company is no stranger to the Republican Party, giving almost $200,000 in the 1999-2000 campaign cycle.
Cheney, who has been CEO of Halliburton since 1995 and recently took on the title of chairman, holds a $45.5 million stake as the company's biggest individual stockholder.
The executive also holds $12.5 million worth of exercisable stock options and another $1 million in options that are not exercisable yet, according to company documents filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
"His ability to open doors and have access to very senior people domestically and internationally has been exceptional," said Jim Wicklund, managing director of energy research at Dain Rauscher Wessels.
In addition, Cheney serves on the board of directors for Union Pacific Corp., Procter & Gamble Co. and Electronic Data Systems Corp.
RESIGN FROM HALLIBURTON?
Cheney would likely resign from Halliburton if he were to run for the White House with Bush, one industry watcher said.
"I think it would be more likely that he resign than take a leave of absence so that they don't have that interruption of service in the executive office," Wicklund said.
"The problem would be is if he took a leave of absence, that would mean even if he lost, he would be out of commission for at least three months," he said.
Halliburton has donated approximately $129,000 in soft money, or unlimited contributions to parties, to Republican organizations including $80,000 to the Republican National Committee, Federal Election Commission (FEC) records showed.
Most of Halliburton's other contributions were to the National Republican Senatorial and Congressional committees.
While the funds cannot go directly to candidates, the money is often used for party building events and advertisements on specific political issues.
The company's political action committee also contributed $62,252 to candidates running for the U.S. House and Senate with all but $2,000 going to Republicans, according to data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics.
For their part, Cheney and his wife, Lynne, have contributed $2,000 each to Bush's campaign and the oil executive has donated $2,500 to Halliburton's political action committee, according to FEC data.
Halliburton's stock closed down 9/16 to 41-11/16 on the New York Stock Exchange. Its 52-week high is 52-1/4 and year-low is 32-5/16.
DICK CHENEY'S FIRM, HALLIBURTON, OPERATES BROWN & ROOT, INC. WHICH MADE MILLIONS FROM THE BOSNIA WAR!
TOP 100 DEFENSE CONTRACTORS:
NO. 10 - Brown & Root Inc.
An example of the latter is the company's lucrative, multiyear, logistics support effort for U.S. troops in Bosnia. This effort covers a wide array of services, including the transport of fuel and food, and construction of housing.
In Bosnia, the company does "almost everything that the [military] does not want to do ... allowing them to focus on their military mission," said Chuck Fiala, vice president and director of operations for Brown & Root Services Corp. in Houston.
In 1996, the Bosnia operation contributed roughly $400 million to Brown & Root's revenues, which totaled $3.1 billion in 1995.
The logistics support contract from the Department of Defense catapulted Brown & Root to the No. 10 slot on Washington Technology's Top 100 list. However, U.S. forces are slated to withdraw from Bosnia in the summer of 1998, putting an end to the firm's lucrative operation there.
With the growing number of commercial and federal infotech outsourcing opportunities, Brown & Root executives are now trying to decide whether to pursue more of these contracts, said Fiala. "[We] have to decide which strategy [offers] the best financial return," he said.
Of the company's total revenues, $582 million was earned performing outsourcing work for the U.S. government.
Brown & Root Services Corp. is one of two major components of Brown & Root Inc., a subsidiary of Halliburton Co. of Dallas. The latter earned 80 percent of its $5.7 billion revenue in 1995 by selling high-technology services and products to the oil and gas industries.
Halliburton's president and CEO is Dick Cheney, who served as defense secretary under President George Bush. Cheney joined the company in October 1995.
Halliburton's 1995 revenues show a decline from 1993's $6.01 billion, partly because the company sold its insurance unit.
The other component of Brown & Root Inc. is Brown & Root Engineering and Construction, also based in Houston. The fastest-growing portion of Brown & Root Inc. is Brown & Root Services Corp., which is run by Randy Harl. The unit's revenue passed $1 billion in 1995, up from $200 million in 1986, largely because of federal contracts.
Despite the company's gains in the federal marketplace, Brown & Root Inc.'s overall revenue has remained flat since 1993's total of $3.14 billion. Revenue in 1994 was $2.99 billion.
But new opportunities for the company may arise as U.S. defense officials try to save money by outsourcing support activities, including the operation and maintenance of computer systems.
Already, U.S. Navy officials have outlined plans to replace 80,000 Navy employees with contract workers, which would be supplied by outsourcing companies such as Brown & Root. Navy officials have tagged Navy bases at El Centro in California and in Pensacola, Fla., as likely candidates for outsourcing.
Government and industry officials say the industry could take over many of these operations and cut costs by 10 percent to 30 percent.
However, the outsourcing plan will likely run into stiff opposition from local senators, representatives and community groups. This opposition, driven by fear that local jobs will be lost, has stymied many previous Pentagon efforts to outsource work at many military bases.
If the Navy's outsourcing plan goes ahead, contractors may be asked to take over the operations of entire facilities, including operating computer systems, communications networks and training devices, as well as providing food, light and heat, said Fiala.
To win an infotech-intensive outsourcing contract, Fiala said, Brown & Root may team with such companies as Computer Sciences Corp. in El Segundo, Calif., or Litton-PRC in McLean, Va. "You either get them on your team, or use them as subcontractors," he said.
Currently, Brown & Root operates high-tech facilities for NASA, the Department of Energy and the Defense Department.
For NASA, Brown & Root holds a contract for launch operation services at Cape Canaveral, Fla., under which the company schedules, maintains and operates the facility that is used to perform final checks on space satellites before they are mounted on rockets for launch into space. This contract is worth $10 million per year. Another NASA contract has the company operating and maintaining Johnson Space Center facilities in Houston from which NASA monitors and controls its numerous satellites. This contract is worth $40 million per year.
BROWN & ROOT INC. REVENUES AND NET EARNINGS
Revenues ........ $5.7 billion
Net earnings ..... $168 million
* indicates a loss
Source: Halliburton Co.
Outside the government sector, Brown & Root is trying to lift its sights beyond project management, technology and logistics. Executives are trying to work with energy- related customers to help craft their corporate planning and strategy. To aid this effort, Brown & Root has established alliances with energy companies working off Scotland, Australia and Qatar in the Middle East.
Roughly 44 percent of Brown & Root's revenue comes from overseas, mostly from energy-related contracts, but some come from outsourcing deals. The company operates much of the U.S. Air Force's base in Incirlik, Turkey, and also provides support services to 10 boroughs of London.
- Neil Munro © 1998
CHENEY AND THE MORGAN STANLEY GROUP
MORGAN STANLEY GROUP INC /DE/
DEF 14A filed on 4/26/95
Mr. Cheney, age 54, has been a senior fellow of the American Enterprise Institute, a public policy research organization, since January 1993. He served as Secretary of Defense of the United States from March 1989 to January 1993 and as a member of the United States House of Representatives from January 1979 to March 1989. Mr. Cheney is also a director of IGI, Inc., The Proctor & Gamble Company, Union Pacific Corporation, and U.S. West, Inc. Mr. Cheney has been a director of the Company since June 1993.
The other nominees for election as directors and a brief biography of each nominee are listed
below. There are no family relationships among any directors, executive officers or nominees.
Richard B. Fisher
Mr. Fisher, age 58, has served as Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Company and Morgan Stanley since January 1991. From January 1984 through December 1990, he served as President of the Company and Morgan Stanley. He has been a director and a Managing Director of the Company since July 1975 and a director and a Managing Director of Morgan Stanley since July 1970. He was a partner in Morgan Stanley & Co., the predecessor of Morgan Stanley, from
July 1970 through June 1975.
John J. Mack
Mr. Mack, age 50, has served as President of the Company and Morgan Stanley since June 1993. He has been a director and a Managing Director of the Company since December 1987 and was a director and a Managing Director of the Company from January 1979 to March 1986. Mr. Mack has been a director and a Managing Director of Morgan Stanley since January 1979.
Barton M. Biggs
Mr. Biggs, age 62, has been a director and a Managing Director of the Company since May 1991 and a director and a Managing Director of Morgan Stanley since July 1973. He was a director and a Managing Director of the Company from July 1975 to March 1986. He was a partner in Morgan Stanley & Co. from June 1973 through June 1975. Mr. Biggs is also chairman of the board of directors of The Latin American Discovery Fund, Inc., Morgan Stanley Emerging Markets Fund,
Inc., Morgan Stanley Africa Investment Fund, Inc., Morgan Stanley India Investment Fund, Inc. and Morgan Stanley Emerging Markets Debt Fund, Inc.
Peter F. Karches
Mr. Karches, age 43, has been a director and Managing Director of the Company since February 1994. He has also served as director and Managing Director of Morgan Stanley since January 1985.
Sir David A. Walker
Sir David Walker, age 55, has been a director of the Company since November 1994, a director of Morgan Stanley since February 1995 and a Managing Director of Morgan Stanley since November 1994. Before joining the Company, Sir David was Deputy Chairman of Lloyds Bank PLC in England. From 1988 to 1992 he was Chairman of the Securities and Investments Board, the British authority that regulates the securities markets. From 1982 to 1988 he was the executive
director of the Bank of England and remained as a non-executive director at the Bank until early 1993. Sir David is also a director of Reuters Holdings PLC.
Daniel B. Burke
Mr. Burke, age 66, is retired. He served as chief executive officer of Capital Cities/ABC, Inc. from 1990 until February 1994. He also served as president and chief operating officer of that corporation from 1986 until February 1994 and has been one of its directors since 1967. Mr. Burke is also a director of Avon Products, Inc., Consolidated Rail Corporation, and Rohm and
Haas Company. Mr. Burke has been a director of the Company since February
S. Parker Gilbert
Mr. Gilbert, age 61, is retired. He served as Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Company and Morgan Stanley from January 1984 through December 1990. He was President of the Company and Morgan Stanley from January 1983 through December 1983. He was a Managing Director of the Company from July 1975 through December 1990 and a director and a Managing Director of Morgan Stanley from May 1970 through December 1990. From January 1969 through June 1975, Mr. Gilbert was a partner in Morgan Stanley & Co. He has been a director of the
Company since July 1975. Mr. Gilbert is also a director of Burlington Resources
Inc., ITT Corporation, and Taubman Centers, Inc.
Allen E. Murray
Mr. Murray, age 66, is retired. He served as chairman of the board of directors and chief executive officer of Mobil Corporation from February 1986 until March 1994 and as one of its directors from May 1977 until March 1994. Mr. Murray also served as president and chief operating officer of that corporation from November 1984 until March 1993. He is also a director of Lockheed Martin Corporation, Metropolitan Life Insurance Company and Minnesota Mining & Manufacturing Company. Mr. Murray has been a director of the Company since November 1992.
Paul F. Oreffice
Mr. Oreffice, age 67, is retired. He served as chairman of the board of directors of The Dow Chemical Company from May 1986 until December 1992 and was one of its directors from January 1971 until December 1992. Mr. Oreffice served as chief executive officer of that corporation from May 1978 until December 1987 and as president from May 1978 until May 1987. He is also a director of CIGNA Corporation, The Coca-Cola Company, and Northern Telecom Limited. Mr. Oreffice has been a director of the Company since December 1987.
Paul J. Rizzo
Mr. Rizzo, age 67, is retired. He served as Vice Chairman and Director of International Business Machines Corporation from January 1993 through December 1994. He has been a partner in Franklin Street Partners since 1992. From September 1987 until 1992, he was Dean of Kenan-Flagler Business School at the University of North Carolina--Chapel Hill. Mr. Rizzo is also a director of Johnson & Johnson, McGraw-Hill, Inc., and Ryder System, Inc. Mr. Rizzo was a
director of the Company from July 1986 through December 1992 and has been a director since February 1995.
The principal executive offices of the Company are located at 3600 Lincoln Plaza, 500 N. Akard Street, Dallas, Texas 75201-3391.
ELECTION OF DIRECTORS
Effective August 10, 1995, the number of Directors constituting the Board increased from 10 to 11 and Mr. Richard B. (Dick ) Cheney was elected as a Director at a special meeting of the Board of Directors. Mr. Cheney is proposed for election to the Board of Directors by stockholders for the first time. Mr Thomas H. Cruikshank who had served as a Director since 1977, as Chief
Executive Officer from May 1983 until October 1995 and as Chairman of the Board since 1989 retired from the Company and the Board on January 2, 1996, and will not be a candidate for election for the ensuing year. The number of Directors constituting the Board of Directors was reduced from eleven to ten effective February 15, 1996.
ANNE L. ARMSTRONG, 68, Chairman of Board of Trustees, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C.; former Chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, 1981-1990; former Ambassador to Great Britain; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1977; Chairman of the Environment, Health and Safety Committee and member of the Management Oversight and Nominating Committees; Director of American Express Company, Boise Cascade Corporation, General Motors Corporation and Glaxo Wellcome p.l.c.
RICHARD B. (DICK ) CHENEY, 55, Chairman of the Board, President and Chief Executive Officer of the Company; President and Chief Executive Officer of the Company, 1995; Senior Fellow, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1993-1995; Secretary of Defense, 1989-1993; Member, U.S. House of Representatives, 1979-1989; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1995; Director of Union Pacific Corporation and The Procter & Gamble Company; Member of the Board of Trustees, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research.
LORD CLITHEROE, 66, Chairman, The Yorkshire Bank, PLC; Deputy Chief Executive, The RTZ Corporation PLC (an international group of mining and industrial companies), 1987-1989; Executive Director, The RTZ Corporation PLC, 1968-1987; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1987; Chairman of the Management Oversight Committee and member of the Environment, Health and Safety and Nominating Committees.
ROBERT L. CRANDALL, 60, Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer, AMR Corporation and Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, American Airlines, Inc. (engaged primarily in the air transportation business) since 1985; President, American Airlines, Inc., 1985-1995; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1986; Chairman of the Audit Committee and member of the
Compensation and Management Oversight Committees; Director of AMR Corporation and American Airlines, Inc.
WILLIAM R. HOWELL, 60, Chairman of the Board, J.C. Penney Company, Inc. (a major retailer); Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer, J.C. Penney Company, Inc., 1983-1994; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1991; Chairman of the Compensation Committee and member of the Management Oversight and Audit Committees; Director of J.C. Penney Company, Inc., Exxon Corporation, Warner-Lambert Company, Bankers Trust Company
and Bankers Trust New York Corporation.
DALE P. JONES, 59, Vice Chairman of the Company; President of the Company, 1989-1995; Executive Vice President -- Oil Field Services of the Company, 1987-1989; Senior Vice President of the Company, 1987; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1988; Director of Keystone International, Inc.
C. J. SILAS, 63, Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer (retired), Phillips Petroleum Company (engaged in exploration and production of crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids on a worldwide basis, the manufacture of plastics and petrochemicals and other activities), 1985-1994; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1993; member of the Compensation, Audit and Management Oversight Committees; Director of Comsat Corporation, Reader's Digest Association, Inc. and Ascent Entertainment Group, Inc.
ROGER T. STAUBACH, 54, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, The Staubach Company (a diversified real estate company); Chairman, Chief Executive Officer and President, The Staubach
Company, 1983-1991; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1991; member of the Compensation, Management Oversight and Environment, Health and Safety Committees; Director of Life Partners Group, Inc., First USA, Inc., Brinker International, Inc. and Columbus Realty Trust; Trustee of American AAdvantage Funds.
RICHARD J. STEGEMEIER, 67, Chairman Emeritus, Unocal Corporation (an integrated petroleum company); Chairman of the Board of Unocal Corporation, 1989-1995; Chief Executive Officer of Unocal Corporation, 1988-1994; President, Unocal Corporation, 1985-1992; Chief Operating Officer of Unocal Corporation, 1985- 1988; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1994; Chairman of the Nominating Committee and member of the Audit and Management
Oversight Committees; Director of Unocal Corporation, First Interstate Bancorp, Foundation Health Corporation, Northrop Grumman Corporation, Outboard Marine Corporation and Pacific
E. L. WILLIAMSON, 71, Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer (retired), The Louisiana Land and Exploration Company (engaged principally in the exploration, development and
production of natural resources), 1985-1988; joined Halliburton Company Board in 1981; Vice Chairman of the Environment, Health and Safety Committee and member of the Compensation and
Management Oversight Committees; Director of The Louisiana Land and Exploration Company, Hibernia Corporation and Central Louisiana Electric Company, Inc.
COMPENSATION ARRANGEMENT FOR NEW CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER
In anticipation of the retirement of Mr. Cruikshank, on August 10, 1995 Halliburton Company entered into an agreement with Mr. Cheney to become President and Chief Executive Officer on October 1, 1995 and, in addition, Chairman of the Board following Mr. Cruikshank's retirement on January 2, 1996.
The selection of Mr. Cheney followed an extensive search conducted by a special committee of the Board. The selection criteria emphasized leadership, both strategic and people-based, and knowledge of the global economic and geographic dynamics impacting the Company and the industries it serves in more than one hundred countries around the world.
IGI, INC. (Cheney's shares.)
NOTICE OF ANNUAL MEETING OF STOCKHOLDERS TO BE HELD MAY 9, 1995,
FORMER CONFORMED NAME: IMMUNOGENETICS, INC.
BENEFICIAL OWNER OF SHARES OF CLASS
Edward B. Hager, M.D.
......................................................... 919,500(1) 10.0%
Pinnacle Mountain Farms
Lyndeboro, NH 03082
John P. Gallo
1772 Garwood Lane
Vineland, NJ 08360
Stephen J. Morris
66 Navesink Avenue
Rumson, New Jersey
Jane E. Hager
Pinnacle Mountain Farms
Lyndeboro, NH 03082
David G. Pinosky,
John O. Marsh,
Jr...................................................... 50,000(7) *
TerrenceO'Donnell............................ 30,000(8) *
Constantine L. Hampers,
M.D................................................. 23,000(9) *
Donald F.H. Wallach,
M.D....................................................... 716 *
Denis M. O'Donnell,
M.D................................................. 25,250(11) *
John O. Marsh, Jr. ........................... 68 1991 Of Counsel to the law firm of Hazel & Thomas, P.C., Falls Church, VA since January 1995 and Member from 1990 through 1994; Chairman of the Reserve Forces Policy Board since November 1989; Legislative Counsel to Secretary of Defense, 1989; Secretary of the Army from 1981 to 1989; Acting Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations and Low Intensity Conflict, 1988; Counsellor with Cabinet rank to President Ford from 1974 to 1977; Assistant for National Security Affairs to Vice President Ford, from February 1974 to August 1974; Assistant Secretary of Defense from 1973 to 1974; U.S. Representative in Congress from the Seventh District of Virginia from 1963 to 1971 and member of Appropriations Committee from 1965 to 1971.
Terrence O'Donnell......................... 51 1993 Member of law firm of Williams & Connolly, Washington, D.C. since March 1992 and from March 1977 to October 1989; General Counsel of Department of Defense from October 1989 to March 1992; Special Assistant to President Ford from August 1974 to January 1977; Deputy Special Assistant to President Nixon from May
1972 to August 1974.
Constantine L. Hampers, M.D........ 62 1994 Chairman of the Board of Directors and Chief Executive Officer of National Medical Care, Inc., a provider of in-center and home kidney dialysis services and products, since 1968; Executive Vice President of W. R. Grace & Co. ('W. R. Grace') since 1991; Director of Artificial Kidney Services at Peter Bent Brigham Hospital and Assistant Professor of Medicine at Harvard University School of Medicine prior to 1968
and for several years thereafter; Director of W. R. Grace.
U S WEST, Inc. (And Director Cheney.)
("U S WEST") was incorporated under the laws of the State of Colorado and has its principal executive offices at 7800 East Orchard Road, Englewood, Colorado 80111, telephone number (303) 793-6500. U S WEST is a diversified global communications company engaged in the telecommunications, directory publishing, marketing and, most recently, entertainment services
businesses. Telecommunications services are provided by U S WEST's principal subsidiary, U S WEST Communications, Inc., to more than 25 million residential and business customers in the states of Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Iowa, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico, North Dakota, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, Washington and Wyoming (collectively, the "U S WEST Region"). Directory publishing, marketing and entertainment services as well as cellular mobile
communications services are provided by other U S WEST subsidiaries to customers both inside and outside the U S WEST Region. (Financial information concerning U S WEST's operations is set forth in the Consolidated Financial Statements and Notes thereto in the U S WEST 1994 Annual Report to Shareowners (the "1994 Annual Report"), which is incorporated herein by reference.) U S WEST and its subsidiaries had 61,505 employees at December 31, 1994.
U S WEST Board of Directors
Dick Cheney (54)
A former secretary of Defense in the Bush administration, he is a senior fellow with the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, D.C. The former five-term congressman from Wyoming also served as chief of staff for President Ford. Mr. Cheney joined the U S WEST board in 1993.
Remedios Diaz-Oliver (56)
The chief executive officer and president of All American Container Inc., which
sells and distributes glass, plastic and metal containers for a variety of products worldwide. Ms. Diaz-Oliver joined the U S WEST board in 1988.
Grant A. Dove (66)
The managing partner of Technology Strategies and Alliances, a strategic planning and investment banking firm. Mr. Dove spent nearly 30 years in a number of executive positions with Texas Instruments. He joined the U S WEST board in 1988 and chairs the Human Resources Committee.
Allan D. Gilmour (60)
The former vice chairman of the Ford Motor Company, Mr. Gilmour held several executive assignments since joining Ford in 1960. He served as the company's chief financial officer before taking over leadership of its international automotive operations and, later, the Ford Automotive Group. He joined the U S WEST board in 1992.
Pierson M. Grieve (67)
The chairman and chief executive officer of Ecolab Inc., a leading worldwide developer and marketer of premium cleaning, sanitizing and maintenance products and services for the hospitality, institutional and residential markets. He joined the U S WEST board in 1990, and chairs the Board Affairs Committee.
Shirley M. Hufstedler (69)
A partner in the law firm of Hufstedler, Kaus & Ettinger. She served as secretary of Education during the Carter administration and, for 11 years, as a judge for the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. Ms. Hufstedler joined the U S WEST board in 1983, and chairs the Public Policy Committee.
Allen F. Jacobson (68)
The former chairman and chief executive officer of 3M. Mr. Jacobson has been a member of the U S WEST board since 1983, and chairs the Corporate Development and Finance Committee.
Richard D. McCormick (54)
Named president and chief executive officer of U S WEST January 1, 1991, and chairman of the board May 1, 1992. Mr. McCormick was president of Northwestern Bell Telephone Company before joining U S WEST as executive vice president in 1985. He became a member of the company's board in 1986.
Marilyn Carlson Nelson (55)
The vice chair of Carlson Holdings Inc., a group of com-panies involved in marketing services, travel and hospitality services. Ms. Nelson is also chair of Citizens State Bank of Waterville, Minn., and Montgomery, Minn. She joined the U S WEST board in 1993.
Frank Popoff (59)
The chairman and chief executive officer of The Dow Chemical Company. Since joining Dow Chemical in 1959, he also served as the company's president and chief operating officer and executive vice president for international operations. Mr. Popoff joined the U S WEST board in 1993.
Glen L. Ryland (70)
The president of RYCO Inc. He is former chairman, president and chief executive officer of Frontier Holdings Inc., and its principal subsidiary, Frontier Airlines. He joined the U S WEST board in 1983, and chairs the Audit Committee.
Jerry O. Williams (56)
The president and chief executive officer of Grand Eagle Enterprises Inc., a private investment group. Mr. Williams is former president and chief operating officer of AM International Inc., a manufacturer and seller of design, display, reproduction and finishing products and supplies in the graphics industry. He joined the U S WEST board in 1988.
Daniel Yankelovich (70)
The founder and chairman of DYG Inc., a leading market research firm. He also founded Yankelovich, Skelly and White, one of the nation's largest opinion research organizations. Mr. Yankelovich joined the U S WEST board in 1983, and chairs the Trust Investment Committee.
[This article first appeared in Probe magazine (Vol. 3, No. 3, March-April, 1996) and is reprinted here with express permission.]
by Lisa Pease
“If the CIA has taken over one large corporation, . then how many others, perhaps smaller and less likely to be noticed, might it already have taken over? At this moment just how many American corporations are being used at home and abroad to carry out the CIA's nefarious schemes?”
- Writer and editor Kirkpatrick Sale, referring to the Hughes Corporation, in a presentation for the Conference on the CIA and World Peace held at Yale University on April 5, 1975, published in Uncloaking the CIA, Howard Frazier, ed. (NY: The Free Press, 1978)
During my recent interview of MR. JAMES J. PLAINE of Houston, Texas, MR. PLAINE informed me that he had been contacted by a MR. WHITE of Freeport Sulphur in regards to a possible assassination plan for Fidel Castro.
- New Orleans District Attorney (NODA) Memo from Andrew Sciambra to Jim Garrison, dated 10/9/68
A memo in the GUY BANISTER file indicates that there is information which reports that DICK WHITE, a high official of Freeport Sulphur, and CLAY SHAW were flown to Cuba probably taking off from the Harvey Canal area in a Freeport Sulphur plane piloted by DAVE FERRIE. The purpose of this trip was to set up import of Cuba's nickel ore to a Canadian front corporation which would in turn ship to the Braithwaite nickel plant. The plant was built by the U.S. Government at a cost of about one million dollars. - New Orleans District Attorney (NODA) Memo from Sciambra to Garrison, dated 10/9/68 One man whose name we first thought to be WHITE apparently is WIGHT, Vice President of Freeport Sulphur who reputedly made the flight. Currently an effort is being made to locate WIGHT, who lives in New York. Despite the fact that the original source of this information was JULES RICCO KIMBLE, a man with a record, this lead keeps growing stronger. From the very outset it had been reported that the flight had something to do with the import of nickle following the loss of the original import supply from Cuba. Recent information developed on WIGHT in a separate memo indicated that he is now on the Board of Directors of the Freeport Nickel Company, a subsidiary of Freeport Sulphur. - NODA Clay Shaw Lead File note, no date [Ken] Elliot then changed the subject and stated that he has a lot of information that he could give to the D.A. but that unless he was assured that he would not be publicly brought into the investigation or be served, he would not come forward. He stated as an example that SHAW and two other persons either purchased or attempted to purchase a nickel ore plant in Braithwaite, Louisiana, after the company was closed because of broken trade relations with Cuba. At this time DAVID FERRIE flew SHAW and his two partners to Canada in an attempt to receive the ore from Cuba but through Canada. - NODA Memo from Sal Scalia to Garrison, 6/27/67 Cogswell says the Bishop sketch resembles the former president of a Moa Bay subsidiary, Freeport Sulphur of New Orleans. Cogswell doesn't remember the name of that officer, but says he knew he had very powerful connections and came from Texas. - HSCA Outside Contact Report dated 7/6/78, Gaeton Fonzi's interview of James J. Cogswell III. Mr. Phillips stated that he "probably" did have some contacts with someone or some persons associated with the Moa Bay Mining Company, but he did not recall any specific names. He also "must have" had some contact with Freeport Sulphur people. "I was fairly socially active at the time and the name of the company is familiar to me." - HSCA notes from an HSCA interview with David Atlee Phillips, dated 8/24/78.
The quotes at left [above] should raise some serious eyebrows. Could an American-based multinational corporation such as Freeport Sulphur, now Freeport McMoRan, have been involved, however peripherally, in anti-Castro activities in the sixties? Could Freeport have provided cover to employees of the Central Intelligence Agency, employees such as David Atlee Phillips? Could we have imagined there would be a company connecting both Phillips and Clay Shaw, the man Jim Garrison charged with being part of the conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy?
The House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in the late '70s pursued this strange lead. It seemed more than mere coincidence that both Clay Shaw's name and that of Phillips' purported alias, Maurice Bishop, would show up in conjunction with a little publicized company known then as Freeport Sulphur. Interestingly, in the last few months, Freeport has been making headlines in the Los Angeles Times, Texas Observer, The Progressive and the Austin Chronicle due to allegations of human rights abuses and environmental degradation.
The HSCA suppressed the files surrounding the investigation of David Phillips's alleged connection to Freeport Sulphur's Cuban subsidiary, the Moa Bay Mining Company. The document quoted at left, referencing David Phillips and Freeport Sulphur, has been quietly circulating through the research community, although it had been technically unreleased. The secrecy surrounding David Atlee Phillips and every document, interview, tape and reference to him must end. He is a key suspect, having been fingered by several as the Maurice Bishop that Antonio Veciana saw talking to Oswald in Texas. As the reader will see, the connections here are too compelling to go unexplored. The Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) must make every effort to secure the remaining pieces of the investigation of the Freeport Sulphur-David Phillips connection, as well as all documents and testimony relating to the identity and role of Maurice Bishop/David Atlee Phillips in the events surrounding the Kennedy assassination.
Bill Davy, in his well-documented monograph Through the Looking Glass: The Mysterious World of Clay Shaw, put forth the first public information on Freeport Sulphur's peripheral relation to a key figure in the investigation of the assassination of President Kennedy. Here, we flesh out the information surrounding this company, as it hosts a startling set of heavy hitters whose policies crossed swords with those of President John F. Kennedy in significant ways.
Probe is not going to state that Freeport Sulphur was in any way involved in the planning or execution of the Kennedy assassination. But this is a company that connects the CIA, the Rockefellers, Clay Shaw and David Phillips. The company had serious clashes with Castro over an expensive project, and with the Kennedy administration over matters of great monetary significance to Freeport. Allegations of a Canadian connection with New Orleans, and Cuban nickel mining and processing operations fit neatly into Shaw's reported activities. And this is a company which had at least one director reportedly talking about killing Castro.
Because this is such an important story, and there is so much to it, this article has been broken into two parts, the second of which will be in the next issue of Probe. There is no quick way to tell this story, as the history and players all need backgrounds to put the nature of the implications in the fullest possible context. So we go back to the beginning.
Freeport Sulphur was born in Texas in 1912. The company later moved the headquarters office to New York. Originally, the principal business was mining sulphur. By 1962, Freeport Sulphur was the nation's oldest and largest producer of sulphur. In 1962, the fertilizer industry used 40% of the sulphur produced in the world. Other business segments that use sulphur in the production process are chemical, papermaking, pigment, pharmaceutical, mining, oil-refining and fiber manufacturing industries. For most of this period, Freeport was headed by John Hay Whitney.
In 1927, Payne Whitney, one of America's richest multimillionaires, died, leaving his only son and future Freeport president an estate valued at over $179 million. At the young age of 22, John Hay Whitney became one of the country's richest men. Nonetheless, "Jock," as the press later called him, took a job at Lee Higginson and Co. on a salary of $65 a month. There, he made a fateful friendship with another onetime Lee Higginson employee named Langbourne Williams. Langbourne's father had originally founded Freeport Texas, then lost control of the business. Langbourne enlisted Jock's boss at Lee Higginson-J. T. Claiborne-to help in a proxy fight for control of Freeport. Claiborne urged the young Jock to join their efforts. Jock did-to the tune of a half a million dollars. By 1930, the Claiborne-Williams-Whitney team had won control of Freeport.
Without Jock Whitney's influence-and of course, money-the future of Freeport may have been gravely different. The Whitney family fortune was legendary not just for its size, but for the power that the Whitneys wielded with it. Republican Whitney money, for example, founded The New Republic. Carroll Quigley, in Tragedy and Hope, has written:
The best example of this alliance of Wall Street and Left-wing publication was The New Republic, a magazine founded by Willard Straight, using Payne Whitney money. . . . The original purpose for establishing the paper was to provide an outlet for the progressive Left and to guide it quietly in an Anglophile direction. . . . The first editor of The New Republic, the well-known "liberal" Herbert Croly, was aware of the situation. . . Croly's biography of Straight, published in 1914, makes perfectly clear that Straight was in no sense a liberal or a progressive, but was, indeed, a typical international banker and that The New Republic was simply a medium for advancing certain designs of such international bankers, notably to blunt the isolationism and anti-British sentiments so prevalent among many American progressives, while providing them with a vehicle for expression of their progressive view in literature, art, music, social reform, and even domestic politics. . . . The chief achievement of The New Republic, however, in 1914-1918 and again in 1938-1948, was for interventionism in Europe and support of Great Britain.
Put another way, the Whitney family was accustomed to covert uses of corporate institutions, and especially the media.
The Whitneys had also been powerful within the government. Whitney's grandfather, for example, had served under President Grover Cleveland as Secretary of the Navy. Jock Whitney himself followed the path of his predecessors, joining with Nelson Rockefeller in 1942 to take charge of American WWII propaganda in Latin America through the Rockefeller-controlled Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (CIAA). Due to the confluence of interests and the similarity in substance, at one time, there was talk of merging the Rockefeller-Whitney CIAA operation with the OSS (Office of Strategic Services). Nelson Rockefeller, however, did not wish to relinquish his fiefdom, and the merger never happened. (The history of Nelson Rockefeller's Latin American operations are well detailed in the book Thy Will Be Done, by Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett.)
Whitney himself had significant ties to the OSS and the CIA. During World War II, Whitney had been temporarily detailed to "Wild Bill" Donovan of the OSS. During this time, he was captured by the Nazis, but escaped in a daring jump from a moving train.
Whitney was second cousin to the famous CIA officer Tracy Barnes, known in the agency as Allen Dulles's "Golden Boy." Barnes eventually headed the CIA's Domestic Operations Division long before it was legal for the CIA to operate domestically. Whitney and Barnes became friends while both were attending the Army Air Corps' intelligence school in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
Another lifelong Whitney friend and business associate was William H. Jackson, who briefly served as second in command at the newly formed CIA as Deputy Director under Walter Bedell Smith.
Perhaps it was these associations, or perhaps it was his relationship with the CIA-involved Nelson Rockefeller which persuaded Whitney to collaborate with the Agency on several occasions. For example, the Whitney Trust was financed in part with money from the Granary Fund. The Granary Fund was a CIA conduit.
Another of Whitney's many companies, the Delaware corporation Kern House Enterprises, housed the CIA front company Forum World Features, a foreign news service used to disperse CIA propaganda around the world. Forum writer Russell Warner stated that Forum World Features was "the principal CIA media effort in the world." As for Kern Enterprises, in The Cult of Intelligence, by John Marks and Victor Marchetti, chapter five begins with a comment about Delaware corporations.
"Oh, you mean the Delaware corporations," said Robert Amory, Jr., a former Deputy Director of the CIA. "Well, if the agency wants to do something in Angola, it needs the Delaware corporations."
By "Delaware corporations" Amory was referring to what are more commonly known in the agency as "proprietary corporations" or, simply, "proprietaries." These are ostensibly private institutions and businesses which are in fact financed and controlled by the CIA. From behind their commercial and sometimes non-profit covers, the agency is able to carry out a multitude of clandestine activities-usually covert-action operations. Many of the firms are legally incorporated in Delaware because of that state's lenient regulation of corporations, but the CIA has not hesitated to use other states when it found them convenient.
The present incarnation of Freeport Sulphur, Freeport McMoRan, is incorporated in Delaware.
In keeping with the Whitneys' long-standing British proclivities, Forum World Features was run with the "knowledge and full cooperation of British Intelligence." Whitney's friendliness with the British ultimately led to his appointment as Ambassador to Great Britain in 1957. At that time Whitney also controlled, as publisher and later as Editor-in-Chief, the New York Herald Tribune. Whitney worked media deals with Katherine Graham of the Washington Post, and Graham held a 45% share of the New York Herald Tribune's stock, with an option for 5% more upon Whitney's death.
Whitney's solid Eastern Establishment credentials, as well as his cooperation with the CIA, make his long tenure at Freeport Sulphur-both as Director and eventually Chairman of the company-rather interesting. It was Whitney who pushed for diversification of Freeport Sulphur into other concerns. The first diversification move Whitney put through was the purchase of the Cuban-American Manganese Corporation and its manganese reserves in Cuba. Manganese oxide production there ran from 1932-1946, at which point the reserves had been exhausted by the war effort. In late 1943, Freeport opened its Nicaro Nickel Company subsidiary in Nicaro, Cuba. Through its Cuban-American Nickel Company subsidiary, Freeport also developed another subsidiary: Moa Bay Mining Company.
By the early '60s, Freeport had divisions and subsidiaries that were diverse and profitable. Freeport Oil Company, a division of Freeport Sulphur, racked up $1,122,000 in 1961, over and above its $772,000 earnings the year before. Freeport International, Inc., a wholly-owned subsidiary of Freeport Sulphur, set out to explore and develop new industrial ventures overseas in Europe, Australia, India and elsewhere. With one other company, Freeport Sulphur shared equally in a 95 per cent share in the National Potash Company, whose earnings in 1961 were triple that of the previous year.
A company with the diverse assets of Freeport Sulphur, with the ability to provide cover to agents worldwide, would naturally be of intense interest to the CIA. Not surprisingly, there have been allegations of CIA involvement with the Moa Bay Mining Company, Freeport's Cuban nickel mining subsidiary.
According to Cuban lawyer Mario Lazo, whose firm represented Freeport Sulphur in Cuba, the Nicaro project was conceived just two months after Pearl Harbor. The strange Cuban nickel-cobalt ore required a special extraction process. Freeport had developed a new chemical process-and Washington approved the financing-to aid the development of nickel (used in the manufacturing of steel) for the war effort. The Nicaro nickel plant cost American taxpayers $100,000,000. At one point, the plant produced nearly 10% of all the nickel in the free world.
New Orleans became home to a special plant Freeport set up just outside the city to process the nickel-cobalt ore. When the Moa Bay Mining project was conceived, Freeport Nickel, a wholly owned Freeport Sulphur subsidiary, put up $19,000,000 of $119,000,000 to develop the Cuban nickel ore. The rest of the money came from a group of American steel companies and major automobile makers. (Freeport's pattern of putting in a small portion of total cost is a recurrent one.) $44,000,000 of the original funds went into Louisiana for the development of the New Orleans nickel processing facility at Port Nickel.
In 1957, two things happened that allowed Freeport to develop nickel not just through the government-owned Nicaro nickel plant, but for itself. The first was a break on taxes, won through negotiations with Batista, for the proposed Moa Bay Mining Company. The second was a government contract in 1957 in which the U.S. Government committed itself to buying up to $248,000,000 worth of nickel. Both of these would lead to public criticism of Freeport in the years to come. The tax break led to charges that the U.S. Ambassador to Cuba and Langbourne Williams of Freeport Sulphur made a special deal with Batista. (See the box on page 19.) The contract would eventually lead Freeport into a Senate investigation and a confrontation with President Kennedy over the issue of stockpiling.
During the Church committee hearings, Senator Richard Schweiker's independent investigator Gaeton Fonzi stumbled onto a vital lead in the Kennedy assassination. An anti-Castro Cuban exile leader named Antonio Veciana was bitter about what he felt had been a government setup leading to his recent imprisonment, and he wanted to talk. Fonzi asked him about his activities, and without any prompting from Fonzi, Veciana volunteered the fact that his CIA handler, known to him only as "Maurice Bishop," had been with Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas not long before the assassination of Kennedy. Veciana gave a description of Bishop to a police artist, who drew a sketch. One notable characteristic Veciana mentioned were the dark patches on the skin under the eyes. When Senator Schweiker first saw the picture, he thought it strongly resembled the CIA's former Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division-one of the highest positions in the Agency-and the head of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO): David Atlee Phillips.
In an HSCA interview of David Phillips, an unnoted committee member wrote-in a document circulated throughout the research community-the following:
When asked about his relationsip [sic] with Julio Lobo, he became a bit upset and said he thought he had covered that adequately in his deposition. He says as far as he can recall he met Lobo only one time, perhaps it was even in Madrid and not Havana, he doesn't recall, and he had no substantial dealings with him.
Julio Lobo was a Cuban banker and sugar king who later lived in Spain. He was also Veciana's employer at the time Veciana first met Bishop. He gave funding to the DRE, set up by a man named Ross Crozier for the CIA as part of the operations against Cuba. Crozier says he did not, however, set up the New Orleans branch and that that was run by Carlos Bringuier. Crozier, referred to as "Cross" by the HSCA, was one of the people who identified David Atlee Phillips as Maurice Bishop. With this established, Phillip's next recorded comment immediately after being asked about Lobo is significant:
He [Phillips] wanted to know if Veciana's story about Bishop is still being considered and if any decision about his being Bishop had be [sic] conclusively arrived at. He said he doesn't like living under the fear and tension of possibly being called before the television cameras and having Veciana suddenly stand up and point his finger at him and say that he is Bishop and that he saw him with Oswald.
Why would Phillips be so worried if there was no chance he was Bishop?
Veciana, in his earliest interviews, spoke of receiving his intelligence training in an office building in which a mining company's name was displayed and which also housed a branch of the Berlitz School of Languages. Could that mining company have been Nicaro Nickel, or Moa Bay Mining Company? And in one of those curious coincidences that infest the Kennedy assassination, Steve Dorrill, a writer for the British magazine Lobster, noted that in Madrid, a recent director of the Berlitz School of Languages was CIA officer Alberto Cesar Augusto Rodriguez, who was also the man responsible for the photographic surveillance of the Cuban Embassy at the time of the "Oswald" visit there. Recall that the CIA sent the Warren Commission pictures of a man who could never be mistaken for Oswald as evidence that Oswald had been to the Cuban embassy.
Probe recently interviewed a former CIA pilot who knew Veciana from the Miami area and reported that Veciana was a guy whose word among the exile community was "as good as gold." Fonzi felt that Veciana-by that time well out of prison and eager to get back into anti-Castro action-might lie out of loyalty to his greatest benefactor, "Maurice Bishop." Veciana gave indications that Phillips was Bishop, but refused to identify him as such. (For yet another identification of David Atlee Phillips as Maurice Bishop, see the sidebar at right.)
Perhaps because of the following account, David Atlee Phillips was questioned by the HSCA about his possible relationship with both Freeport Sulphur and Moa Bay Mining Company. While working for the HSCA, Fonzi interviewed James Cogswell III, in his home in Palm Beach, Florida. Cogswell presented Fonzi with various leads he felt were important to the case, one of which was the following:
Cogswell says the Bishop sketch resembles the former president of a Moa Bay subsidiary, Freeport Sulphur of New Orleans. Cogswell doesn't remember name of that officer, but says he knew he had very powerful connections and came from Texas.
When Phillips, who came from Texas, was asked about Freeport, the HSCA staffer noted this response:
Mr. Phillips stated that he "probably" did have some contacts with someone or some persons associated with the Moa Bay Mining Company, but he did not recall any specific names. He also "must have" had some contact with Freeport Sulphur people. "I was fairly socially active at the time and the name of the company is familiar to me."
Note that Phillips did not deny an association, but left it to the investigators to find more. Steve Dorrill reported in the Lobster article mentioned previously that one of the pilots of the Moa Bay Mining Company was Pedro Diaz Lanz, a hotshot pilot who defected from the head of Castro's air force and subsequently befriended both Frank Sturgis and E. Howard Hunt, both of whom have also been closely associated with David Phillips. Another employee of the Moa Bay Mining Company, Jorge Alfredo Tarafa, listed Freeport Nickel Company, Moa Bay Cuba as his place of employment from 9/21/59 to 4/8/60 on his job resume. Tarafa was identified as a delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Front (FRD) in New Orleans, headed by Sergio Arcacha Smith. The FRD was the group that E. Howard Hunt set up with exiled Cuban leader Tony Varona to sponsor anti-Castro activities.
Probe has turned up a long lost transcript of a deposition of a person whose name would be instantly recognized by anyone who has studied the Kennedy assassination. It is our hope to reveal the source of this deposition to the ARRB if and when they come to the West Coast.
In this deposition, we find the following startling information. Picking up where the witness was telling how Sergio Arcacha Smith, one of Garrison's original suspects in the Kennedy assassination planning, had invited the witness to a meeting in Guy Banister's office:
Q: Did you go alone to that meeting?
A: As I recall, I did, yes.
Q: Who was there?
A: Mr. Banister, Mr. Arcacha Smith, and Mr. Phillips.
Q: Do you know his first name [meaning Phillips]?
Q: Had you seen him before?
Q: Was he a Latin?
Q: What was his interest in the meeting?
A: He seemed to be running the show.
Q: Telling Banister and Arcacha Smith what to do?
A: His presence was commanding. It wasn't in an orderly military situation, you know. It was just they seemed to introduce Mr. Phillips.
Q: How old a man was he?
A: I would say he was around 51, 52 [Note: the speaker is young.]
Q: Was he identified as to his background?
Q: Were hints dropped as to his background?
A: Just that he was from Washington, that's all.
Q: Did you assume from that he was with the CIA?
A: I didn't assume anything, I never assume anything. . . .I think someone mentioned something about this conversation isn't taking place.
The project that Banister and Arcacha and Mr. Phillips were working on, according to the witness, was to be a televised anti-Castro propaganda program, something that would have been in the direct purview of David Phillips as chief of propaganda for Cuban operations at that time.
Unfortunately for Freeport's board (see Board members on page 24), the Moa Bay Mining company was short-lived in Cuba. With $75,000,000 invested in that operation, one can see how vital the special tax exemption leftover from Batista's reign was to Freeport's Moa Bay operation. And since the deal was negotiated under Batista's regime, one can also see how this must have stuck like a craw in the throat of Castro's revolutionaries as they took control of Cuba in 1959. The Castro government wanted to end the special tax exemption. Freeport wanted to keep it. By March of 1960, Freeport Nickel (parent of Moa Bay Mining, subsidiary of Freeport Sulphur) threatened the Cuban government with an ultimatum: If their special tax status was revoked, the Moa Bay and Nicaro nickel facilities would be shut down.
Freeport knew that Cuba needed the jobs and even partial income that Freeport's nickel operations provided. Freeport must have thought it could bluff this one through, largely due to the particular quality of the Moa Bay ore. The ore was an unusual combination of cobalt and nickel, elements which needed to be separated through a highly complex chemical process, handled at that time by Freeport's New Orleans processing plant. Industry observers were quoted as saying the best thing Cuba could do was to negotiate a compromise, because Cuba could not afford to build the kind of plant Freeport owned. Even the instructions for the process were not kept in Cuba.
Deliberations with the new Cuban government fell apart in August of 1960. According to an "unimpeachable source" in the New York Times, the Cuban government felt negotiations should be suspended because of the tense situation between Cuba and the United States. Cuba performed what they characterized as an "intervention," a temporary measure of stepping in and taking control of the mining facility, rather than outright nationalization. This was reported as Cuba trying to leave the door slightly open for some sort of negotiated settlement. But Freeport considered the takeover a battle cry and wanted to invoke international law to protect its rights to the plant.
Cuba ended up retaining the plant, and the United States ending up attempting to invade Cuba under the ill-fated Bay of Pigs operation. One of the planners of the Bay of Pigs, as well as an advocate for assassinating Castro, was Admiral Arleigh Burke. Burke later become a director of Freeport Sulphur.
During New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's investigation of Clay Shaw, evidence developed that connected Shaw to Freeport Sulphur. James Plaine of Houston, Texas, told Andrew Sciambra, one of Garrison's assistants, that a Mr. "White" of Freeport Sulphur had contacted him regarding a possible assassination plan for Fidel Castro. Plaine also said that he distinctly remembered either Shaw or David Ferrie talking about some nickel mines which were located at the tip of Cuba. Corroboration for an association between Shaw, Ferrie and "White" came from a witness whose CIA file has only been seen by the CIA and HSCA: Jules Ricco Kimble. Kimble told Garrison's office that "White" had flown with Shaw in a plane believed to be piloted by David Ferrie to Cuba regarding a nickel deal. Another source, a former New Orleans newscaster, told Garrison's team that Shaw and two other persons were attempting to purchase, or had already purchased, an ore processing plant in Braithwaite, Louisiana in the aftermath of the U.S. Government's decision to break off trade relations with Cuba. He said that Ferrie had flown Shaw and two partners to Canada to attempt to arrange for the import of Cuban ore through Canada, as Canada was continuing its trade with Cuba.
The New York Times of March 8, 1960, confirms that the Freeport Louisiana special ore processing plant was to be shut down:
Freeport Nickel Company, known in Cuba as the Moa Bay Mining Company, confirmed yesterday that it was closing down operations at its $75,000,000 nickel-cobalt mining and concentrating facilities at Moa Bay in Cuba's Oriente province.
The company, a wholly owned subsidiary of Freeport Sulphur Company, said a recently passed Cuban mining law together with "other Cuban developments" had made it impossible to obtain the funds necessary to continue operations.
Robert C. Hills, president of Freeport Nickel, said the company had invested $44,000,000 in related refining facilities in Louisiana. These facilities also will be made idle, as a result of the Cuban situation, he indicated.
In this light, the most significant Garrison memo is one which says that Freeport Sulphur, Shaw and "White" were together going to buy the Braithwaite plant (built with U.S. government money) to process ore that would be purchased through a Canadian front company, and then shipped back to the Louisiana plant for processing.
Garrison finally found the key to "Mr. White," and wrote it up for the Clay Shaw lead file under the heading "Shaw's Flight to Canada (or Cuba) with Ferrie:"
One man whose name we first thought to be WHITE apparently is WIGHT, Vice President of Freeport Sulphur who reputedly made the flight. An effort is being made to locate WIGHT, who now lives in New York, by a contact of Mark Lane's. Despite the fact that the original source of this information was JULES RICCO KIMBLE, a man with a record, this lead keeps growing stronger. From the very outset it had been reported that the flight had something to do with the import of nickel following the loss of the original import supply from Cuba. Recent information developed on WIGHT in a separate memo, indicates that he is now on the Board of Directors of Freeport Nickel Company, a subsidiary of Freeport Sulphur.
Charles A. Wight was Chairman of the Executive Committee and a Director of Freeport Sulphur, according to his Who's Who in America entry from 1954-1955. Yale educated, he had previously been a Vice President for Bankers Trust Company, first in the London office from 1931-1935, then in the New York headquarters office 1936-1948 (see the sidebar at right for a curious Bankers Trust link to the Bay of Pigs operation.) The 1963 Moody's guide lists Wight as Vice Chairman under Langbourne Williams. Wight was a key person at Freeport Sulphur. He was still with the company when the HSCA looked into it, in 1977.
It would be hard to imagine that Freeport, under the circumstances, did not work any deals with members of the CIA in an attempt to find a way around its-in the words of its president-"Cuban situation." One should recall here that John McCone, former CIA director and at the time a board member of ITT, told a Senate committee quite frankly that yes, he had discussed getting rid of Allende in Chile, when ITT's properties were at risk due to nationalization efforts. Corporate leaders voicing concerns and urging "executive action" against leaders in other countries is neither new nor, unfortunately, particular shocking. Witness the recent report (Washington Post 1/30/96) where members of the CFR were complaining openly about provisions prohibiting actions supportive of coup attempts against foreign leaders and calling for the lifting of existing restrictions on the CIA.
Given the evidence that Freeport's Wight may have been pursuing a Castro assassination plot, we cannot overlook this item from Peter Wyden's book Bay of Pigs: The Untold Story. According to the CIA's own Inspector General report, Johnny Rosselli was one of the CIA's mobsters involved in Castro assassination plots. According to Wyden, at one of his earliest meetings after having taken on the task of getting rid of Castro, Rosselli told his Cuban contacts that he represented Wall Street financiers who had "nickel interests and properties around in Cuba." Was Rosselli ever paid by or through Freeport Sulphur or any of its subsidiaries? Or had he just been given the reference as a cover? Had he pulled nickel interests out of a hat? Only more file releases on Rosselli can hope to answer those questions.
In Thy Will Be Done, there is another startling implication of a Freeport/anti-Castro/CIA collaboration:
Castro was targeted for assassination as early as December 11, 1959, by Nelson's old friend from the CIAA days, J. C. King, now the CIA's Chief of Clandestine Services in the Western Hemisphere. Even before Castro had forced Fulgencio Batista to flee Havana, King and Adolf Berle had met to ponder the fate of Freeport Sulphur Company's mining project at Nicaro, in Oriente province. Now the Nicaro deposits and sugar plantations were facing nationalization. It was clear to King that a "far left" government existed in Cuba. "If permitted to stand," he wrote CIA Director Allen Dulles, it would encourage similar actions against American companies elsewhere in Latin America. One of King's "recommended actions" was explicit:
"Thorough consideration [should] be given to the elimination of Fidel Castro. None of those close to Fidel, such as his brother Raul or his companion Che Guevara, have the same mesmeric appeal to the masses. Many informed people believe that the disappearance of Fidel would greatly accelerate the fall of the present Government."
Which brings us to a crucial point. Freeport Sulphur is a company Wall Street considers a "Rockefeller" company. There are numerous Rockefeller ties to the board of directors (see the sidebar at right). There is a significant tie that led to the stockpiling investigation. And Adolph Berle and J. C. King, as well as John Hay Whitney, were all very closely tied to Nelson Rockefeller himself. So the revelation that J. C. King and Adolph Berle were conversing about the fate of a Rockefeller-controlled company is significant, credible, and highlights the ties between these players and the CIA, where J. C. King-and in later years David Atlee Phillips-presided as Chiefs of the Western Hemisphere Division. In a strange twist of fate, Rockefeller's good friend King was the authenticating officer on a cable giving authority to kill Castro's brother Raul. Interestingly, Whitney's cousin and friend Tracy Barnes sent the cable rescinding the original order a couple of hours later.
Already reeling from its losses over Castro's appropriation of the Moa Bay plant, Freeport found itself under attack from a new quarter: a Senate investigation into stockpiling surpluses, requested by President Kennedy himself.
In 1962, President Kennedy asked Congress to look into the war-emergency stockpiling program, stating it was "a potential source of excessive and unconscionable profits." He said he was "astonished" to discover that the program had accumulated $7.7 billion worth of stockpiled material, exceeding projected needs by $3.4 billion. Kennedy also pledged full executive cooperation with the investigation, mentioning specifically $103 million in surplus nickel.
The Senate pursued an investigation into stockpiling surpluses. Special attention was paid to three companies in which the Rockefeller brothers had substantial holdings: Hannah Mining, International Nickel, and Freeport Sulphur. A December 18, 1962 headline in the New York Times read "U.S. Was Pushed into Buying Nickel, Senators Are Told." The article opened with this:
A federal official told Senate stockpile investigators today that the U.S. Government got a bad deal in a 1957 nickel purchase contract with a potential $248,000,000 obligation.
John Croston, a division director in the General Services Administration, testified that he had strongly opposed the contract with the Freeport Sulphur Company.
But, he said, officials in the agency "knew that the contract was in the bag from the beginning." Pressure for it, he said, came from the Office of Defense Mobilization, then headed by Arthur S. Flemming.
Dr. Arthur S. Flemming was regularly a part of the National Security Council under Eisenhower. Right after Ike's election, in November of 1952, Dr. Flemming served with Ike's brother Milton on the three-member President's Advisory Committee on Government Organization, headed by Nelson Rockefeller. Perhaps it was his friendship with Nelson that caused some to accuse Dr. Flemming of some arm-twisting on Freeport's behalf. The New York Times (12/19/62), reported:
The subcommittee was told yesterday by officials of several Government agencies that they opposed the contract because they felt the need for nickel was exaggerated.
These officials said, however, that Dr. Arthur S. Flemming, then head of the Office of Defense Mobilization, was determined that the contract be signed.
One witness said Mr. Flemming had indicated that competition aginst the International Nickel Company, the giant in the field, should be encouraged.
But what Flemming apparently didn't know, or hadn't shared if he did, was that both Freeport and International Nickel Company (INCO) shared some of the very same investors: the Rockefellers.
Croston said he had opposed the contract with Freeport from the beginning, stating "there was no real shortage of nickel at any time" and that cobalt "was running out of our ears." Freeport's earlier 1954 contract with the government caused the U.S. to spend $6,250,000 to help build that special Louisiana nickel-cobalt ore processing plant so necessary to the Cuban mining operations. Another contract obligated the government to buy up to 15,000,000 pounds of nickel at a premium price, as well as 15,000,000 pounds of cobalt.
The committee's head, Senator Stuart Symington, reported that it was John Whitney who exerted his influence from Freeport's end to get the government contract for the nickel.
Freeport's Chairman, Langbourne Williams, defended the contract, claiming the contract had saved the Treasury money, and had not been entered into for the purposes of stockpiling, but rather to increase nickel production capacity. He contended that the government ended up not having to purchase any nickel under the contract because Freeport had been able to sell to other buyers the nickel and cobalt produced at Moa Bay before Castro took it over.
But the controversy flowed over into 1963, and Press Secretary Pierre Salinger stated that the Kennedy administration planned to make stockpiling an issue in the 1964 campaign. As we know, JFK didn't live long enough to fulfill that promise.
CHENEY'S AZERBAIJAN OIL THING.
WASHINGTON POST, Jul 6, 1997: These men come from different parties and different past administrations, but they are working together for policy changes that they say are needed to put US companies on an equal footing with foreign competitors in Azerbaijan, a small nation that is at the center of a vast untapped oil basin. Involved in this effort are two former national security advisers, Brent Scowcroft and Zbigniew Brzezinski; former White House chief of staff John N. Sununu; Defense Secretary Richard C. Cheney and Secretary of State James A. Baker III from the Bush administration; and President Clinton's former treasury secretary, Lloyd Bentsen. The involvement of these heavyweights has escalated an intense lobbying and public relations campaign in Washington. American oil companies hope to ease restrictions on US aid to Azerbaijan, allowing them to secure US government-backed loans and financial assistance as they tap into fields believed to hold as much as 200 billion barrels, more oil than any region outside the Persian Gulf. The restrictions were passed by Congress in 1992, to protest an Azeri blockade of its fellow former Soviet Republic, Armenia.
CHENEY'S SIBERIAN OIL THING.
WASHINGTON POST, Dec 19, 1999: The Clinton administration is agonizing over
whether to force the US Export-Import Bank to drop $500 million in loan guarantees to an upstart Siberian oil company amid mounting international criticism of Russia's aggressive military campaign in Chechnya. The Ex-Im Bank has scheduled a board meeting Tuesday to make a decision on the long-planned loan guarantees to the Tyumen Oil Co., which Western competitors have accused of unfair business practices . . . The commercial stakes, like the political ones, are enormous, because they involve future control of some of the world's most promising energy resources. Major Western investors in Russia, including BP Amoco and financier George Soros, charge that they have lost hundreds of millions of dollars invested in Siberia's huge Chernogorneft field as a result of unscrupulous tactics used by Tyumen Oil to take over the asset. Business interests in favor of the loan are led by the American oil services company Halliburton, chaired by former defense secretary Richard B. Cheney, which has been hired by Tyumen Oil to upgrade the giant Samotlor field.
CHENEY'S BURMA THING.
According to The Free Burma Coalition, Halliburton is still financially involved in Burma.
CHENEY'S CASPIAN OIL THING.
JUSTIN RAIMONDO: With his links to Texas oil barons, and his political connections, Cheney is gearing up with the rest of the oil industry to cash in on the Great Caspian Oil Bonanza. Cheney has been in the forefront of the effort to repeal US legislation that forbids foreign aid to undemocratic regimes such as the government of Azerbaijan. That central Asian nation, ruled by a neo-Stalinist dictator, is where a good deal of the oil is located; it is also a key link in the oil companies' scheme to build a trans-Balkan/ Transcaucasian oil pipeline to bring its product to market in Western Europe. Can anyone doubt that "a quarrel among faraway peoples about whom we know nothing" in that tumultuous region will suddenly involve "vital" US "national interests"? As Russian troops fight Islamic rebels in Dagestan, and the Armenians and Azeris call for the US and/or NATO to intervene, the prospect of George Dubya in the White House begins to take on a distinctly ominous aspect . . . The oil companies envision a pipeline that
will carry their product across Eastern Europe to customers in the West and the Albanian end of that trans-Balkan route is already being taken care of. It was the Houston engineering firm of Brown & Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton, that won the contract to build barracks not only in Bosnia, but also in Kosovo and Albania; they were one of the biggest direct beneficiaries of the war.
CHENEY'S THING ABOUT GREENHOUSE GAS EMISSIONS!
OZONE ACTION, Feb 13, 1998: Last week, Ozone Action discovered an interesting stunt by some high profile bad guys. The Committee to Preserve American Security and Sovereignty placed an ad in two Washington beltway newspapers. This ad attacked the Kyoto Protoco* by claiming it would "limit the exercise of American military power." The ad was endorsed by several Reagan/Bush era cold warriors using their former prestige to discredit the Kyoto Protocol. When we looked into what these Reaganites have been doing more recently, we found a number of them had fossil fuel affiliations on their resumes. To name a few: Richard Cheney, chairman of Halliburton Co., a Dallas-based oil company; Frank Carlucci, adviser to Saudi Arabia; Alexander
Haig, promoted oil companies in China and Turkmenistan; and Lawrence S.
Eagleburger, board member of Phillips Petroleum. Digging a little deeper we discovered that COMPASS is run out of the public relations firm Kelley Swofford Roy Helmke. Kelley Swofford has also represented Columbia's President Ernesto Samper, one of Latin America's most corrupt Presidents. Samper gets more money from drug lords than Gore gets from Buddhist nuns.
[*Note the Kyoto protocol to the the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) were completed December 11, 1997, committing the industrialized nations to specified, legally binding reductions in emissions of six "greenhouse gases." See http://www.cnie.org/nle/clim-3.html.]
CHENEY'S VIETNAM WAR DRAFT DEFERMENT THING.
Mr. Cheney had a student deferment and then a parent deferment from military service during the Vietnam War, according to Colin Powell's memoir "My American Journey." Since Governor Bush was in the Air National Guard, the Cheney choice sets up Vice President Gore, who was in Vietnam, to pick another Vietnam veteran as his running mate. Then the Democrats would be running two Vietnam vets against two Republicans who did not serve in Indochina.
CHENEY'S THING ABOUT GETTING APPROVAL FOR HALIBURTON TO OPERATE IN SADDAM'S IRAQ.
Mr. Cheney is the chief executive of a big oil-related company, Halliburton, that does business in all sorts of dictatorships. Press reports last year said that the company was even trying to get approval to operate in Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Does Governor Bush really want months of press stories in which reporters probe every deal Halliburton ever made in every two-bit desert country? Picking an energy company executive as running mate also makes it harder for Governor Bush to attack Mr. Gore for Mr. Gore's own
ties to Occidental Petroleum.
"Another intensely sensitive aspect of the Halliburton connection - which could lead to conflict of interest allegations - is the company's stake in two American oil industry companies, Dresser-Rand and Ingersoll-Dresser Pump Co, which are involved in trying to reconstruct the Iraqi oil industry after the Gulf war."
Source: The Guardian, London 7/26/00 http://www.guardian.co.uk/US_election_race/Story/0,2763,347328,00.html
CHENEY'S THING ABOUT EXCLUDING ISRAELI REPRESENTATIVES FROM AN ARAB CHARITY EVENT.
Mr. Cheney was on a committee for an Arab charity event in Washington that invited virtually the entire diplomatic corps but excluded Israeli representatives. After the Jewish weekly the Forward reported on the event earlier this year, other members of the event committee, including Hillary Clinton and Senator Daschle, publicly distanced themselves from the charity event and its policy of excluding Israel. Mr. Cheney declined to do so.
TO DICK CHENEY DATA DUMP CONTENTS.
TO PAGE CONTENTS.